Showing posts with label Guatemala. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Guatemala. Show all posts

November 12, 2019

Political Report # 1426 'They burned everything': Guatemalan women press Hudbay on human rights claims in closely watched case






Political Report # 1426


'They burned everything': Guatemalan women press Hudbay on human rights claims in closely watched case

Their lawsuit, originally filed in 2011, ties into a trend of increasing scrutiny of Canadian mining and exploration companies’ overseas activity

Two indigenous Guatemalan women stood quietly in front of a Toronto courthouse on Tuesday morning, surrounded by a scrum that included a filmmaking crew, lawyers, media and a gaggle of other people.

On a crowded city street during rush hour, the women drew little notice from passersby but their case is being closely followed by the mining sector and beyond.

Both women, Irma Yolanda Choc Cac and Angelica Choc, had travelled from a remote part of eastern Guatemala, to continue pressing legal claims that Hudbay Minerals Inc., one of Canada’s oldest mining companies, bears liability for rape, violence and other human rights abuses that took place more than a decade ago when their village was razed to make way for the Fenix nickel mine.

Their lawsuit, originally filed in 2011, ties into a trend of increasing scrutiny of Canadian mining and exploration companies’ overseas activity. In its wake, other plaintiffs sued at least two other mining companies under the same novel legal theory, which accuses the mining companies of negligence.

“I’m assuming any chance of resolving anything between these parties has long since left the building,” the presiding case management master, Michael McGraw, who functions like a judge, said near the start of the hearing on Tuesday.

In a courtroom packed with journalists and supporters of the women, the lawyers had planned to argue about whether the plaintiffs could amend their complaint against Hudbay to include new details about the alleged human rights abuses.

But that never happened and instead, the parties pushed the hearing back until November while they discuss a compromise.

The suit claims security personnel for Skye Resources — which Hudbay bought in 2008 for US$451 million to acquire the Fenix mine project — worked with Guatemalan military and police to clear the land and raze the Mayan Q’echi community of Lote Ocho for the mining project.

Several of the plaintiffs in the case, including one present Monday, in documents filed in the case, describe the trauma — being tied, beaten and gang-raped in front of their children — in excruciating detail while under examination by Hudbay’s lawyers at Fasken, Tracy Pratt and Robert Harrison.

“It was these men just like this that raped me when I was three months’ pregnant,” one of the plaintiffs said, adding, “And it’s men just like this that are the ones that burned my house, and they burned my clothing and they burned everything I had in my house.”
The other plaintiff claims the head of mining security killed her husband for protesting against the mining company.

The plaintiffs’ lawyers say they have gained new details from documents and emails that Hudbay produced during the litigation to substantiate the alleged human rights abuses. Already, they have filed documents in court that contain new details related to payments Skye made to military and police, and to the arrangements between Skye’s security force and local police and military.

At the hearing, lawyers for Hudbay said they would consider agreeing to allow the plaintiffs amended complaint, although they may file a new motion challenging whether Ontario is the proper jurisdiction to hear the claims. They had filed a motion to move the case to Guatemala earlier in the case, but Hudbay withdraw it before a ruling was ever handed down.

Meanwhile, in a separate case using the same legal theory filed against Tahoe Resources, a B.C. judge ruled that the negligence case could be heard in Canada. Earlier this year, Pan American Resources Inc., which purchased Tahoe, publicly apologized to the plaintiffs and reached a confidential settlement.

There remains one other suit that uses the same theory, against Nevsun Resources Inc., which was purchased by a Chinese company in 2018, accusing it of using forced labour and of committing other human rights abuses on a mining project in Eritrea.

A representative for Hudbay, who was present in the courtroom, referred questions to the company’s lawyers, who declined to comment.

Hudbay sold its interest in the Fenix mine for US$170 million in 2011, shortly after the lawsuit was filed. It retained liability, however, and continues to fight the case.





Original article can be found (here).
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April 19, 2019

Political Report # 1392 The Epidemic of Debt Plaguing Central American Migrants






By Jonathan Blitzer, 
 The New Yorker


When Elias López decided to leave his home in the western highlands of Guatemala for the United States, in 2014, the going rate to hire a smuggler was ninety thousand quetzales, or about twelve thousand dollars. López, who was eighteen, worked two jobs at the time, one in construction and the other as a day laborer harvesting vegetables, and the combined pay was barely enough to cover his living expenses. A lending coöperative, essentially a small local bank, offered loans at a low interest rate, but with one condition: López would need to offer collateral. In exchange for a loan of fifty-five thousand quetzales, he opted to mortgage the plot of land where his family grew their food. "I would pay off the loan once I made it to the United States," he recalls thinking.
In recent years, the rise of criminal cartels in Mexico and the newly aggressive posture of state authorities have made it much more difficult to reach the U.S. Beginning in 2014, at the urging of the Obama Administration, Mexican authorities increased their apprehension rate of Central Americans by eighty-five per cent. Even before Donald Trump took office, the U.S. government developed a new battery of measures-termed the "Consequence Delivery System," which included prolonged detention, criminal charges, and deliberate deportation of migrants to remote locations in their home countries-to make crossing the border so gruelling that people would decide to abandon the trip altogether. Nevertheless, the number of Central Americans coming to the U.S. has continued to rise, as has the pace of apprehensions: of the more than three hundred Guatemalans who leave for the U.S. each day, two-thirds are arrested and deported by Mexican and American immigration agents. One outgrowth of increased enforcement at the border is that the price many migrants are forced to pay smugglers has surged.

April 4, 2019

Abstract, How Does Development Mean? Attitudes toward Mining and the Social Meaning of Development in Guatemala

:::::: Abstract ::::::



How Does Development Mean? Attitudes toward Mining and the Social Meaning of Development in Guatemala


by Michael L. Dougherty

The ways that the concept of development comes to mean refract individual value sets and map onto Guatemalan host-community residents’ attitudes toward mining. Economically oriented residents tend to support mining while those who prioritize public health and environmental advocacy tend to oppose it. Individuals who trust institutions of the state tend to support mining, while individuals who perceive these issues through the lens of their religious faith tend to oppose it. Concerns around public health are especially salient. Focusing on individual-level decision making rather than community-level action distinguishes between rationale and decision, thus highlighting the variegated social meanings underlying superficially similar attitudes. Mining attitudes and their rationales are heterogeneous and vary in intensity.




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November 7, 2018

Political Report # 1381 Changing climate forces desperate Guatemalans to migrate

Jocotán, Chiquimula, GuatemalaEduardo Méndez López lifts his gaze to the sky, hoping to see clouds laden with rain.
After months of subsisting almost exclusively on plain corn tortillas and salt, his eyes and cheeks appear sunken in, his skin stretched thin over bone. The majority of his neighbors look the same.
It’s the height of rainy season in Guatemala, but in the village of Conacaste, Chiquimula, the rains came months too late, then stopped altogether. Méndez López’s crops shriveled and died before producing a single ear of corn. Now, with a dwindling supply of food, and no source of income, he’s wondering how he’ll be able to feed his six young children.
“This is the worst drought we’ve ever had,” says Méndez López, toeing the parched earth with the tip of his boot. “We’ve lost absolutely everything. If things don’t improve, we’ll be forced to migrate somewhere else. We can’t go on like this.”
Guatemala is consistently listed among the world’s 10 most vulnerable nations to the effects of climate change. Increasingly erratic climate patterns have produced year after year of failed harvests and dwindling work opportunities across the country, forcing more and more people like Méndez López to consider migration in a last-ditch effort to escape skyrocketing levels of food insecurity and poverty.

June 15, 2018

Political Report # 1347 The disappeared of Guatemala: a family’s search for their murdered son


By Nina Lakhani, The Guardian

As the court delivered the damning verdict convicting powerful ex-military officers of crimes against humanity, sexual violence and the forced disappearance of 14-year-old Marco Antonio Molina Theissen, his three older sisters and mother clung to each other and wept.
It’s almost 37 years since the schoolboy was bundled into a sack by officers after they had ransacked the family home looking for his sister, Emma Guadalupe, who had managed to escape a military torture chamber.
Marco Antonio’s family has never stopped looking for him, but the boy who dreamed of becoming an engineer was disappeared by a military regime that considered children fair game in its quest to crush political dissent.
The guilty verdicts handed down in Guatemala City last month satisfied the Molina Theissen family’s pursuit for justice against the former “untouchables” - the high command that ordered the systematic persecution, torture, murder and disappearance of civilians considered enemies of the state.
Peacetime efforts to tackle impunity have been impeded by the domination of post-war governments by military strongmen. Now is no exception. In the aftermath of the verdict, as rescue workers searched for victims of the Fuego volcano, politicians with military links attempted to sneak through a reform guaranteeing impunity for officers accused of crimes against humanity.
The convictions in Marco Antonio’s case were a victory not just for his family but for thousands of Guatemalans whose lives were destroyed by a US-backed counterinsurgency war masquerading as a legitimate national security policy.
“The verdict is in our name but belongs to all the people like us, who were terrorised and bereaved just for thinking differently,” Maria Eugenia Molina Theissen, one of Marco Antonio’s sisters, tells the Guardian.

December 15, 2017

Political Report # 1302 Two-Headed Bird Lands in Guatemala's Political Arena: Mayan Women Fight to Protect Their Textile Heritage



 by Elizabeth Rose, Truthout

San Juan Comalapa, Guatemala-Ixkot, the Mayan glyph, is a double-headed bird facing both the future and the past. It has adorned the hand-woven blouses, or huipils, of Mayan women for centuries, and is now the icon of a group of Mayan weavers fighting their way into the Guatemalan political arena.
On Sunday, November 26, a group of artists calling themselves Ixkot Chi Xot (double-headed birds of Chixot) assembled in the town square in San Juan Comalapa, Guatemala, according to Amarildo Bal, a local journalist. They were there to celebrate the signing of a municipal agreement by the mayor of Comalapa acceding the collective proprietary ownership of woven designs to the town's community of weavers.
The local agreement supports national legislation introduced in May 2016 by the 1,500 members of the Asociación Femenina para el Desarrollo de Sacatepéquez, better known as AFEDES. The group petitioned the Guatemalan Constitutional Court to grant copyright protection of the intellectual property of Mayan woven designs throughout all of Guatemala.
The courts have yet to act on the national proposal, but smaller municipalities with a Mayan majority have begun their own legislative process, according to Angelina Aspuac, an AFEDES spokesperson.
Comalapa became the third municipality to assure local protection, Aspuac said. It joined forces with the municipalities of Santiago Sacatapequez and Santa Domingo Xenacoj.
The Comalapan agreement pledges that all designs issuing from the artisans of Comalapa would be protected from infringement by outside companies. Aspuac conceded that the terms are non-binding, yet powerfully symbolic. Their struggle is both economic and historical.
The Mayan weavers say the Ixkot, a double-sighted being that informs from the past while marching into the future, is the perfect symbol of their struggle. They hope to move toward protection of their heritage and, at the same time, greater economic parity with their Ladino (non-Indigenous) counterparts.

September 18, 2017

Abstract, Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?

:::::: Abstract ::::::



Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?
by Marc-André Anzueto


During Guatemala’s 36-year-long civil war (1960–1996), Canada’s role in response to the conflict diverged from the United States’ realpolitik. In contrast to U.S. policy objectives during the cold war, the Canadian distinctiveness in Guatemala was prevalent in the realm of democracy and human rights policy. The Canadian government and civil society condemned human rights violations in Guatemala, supported the various phases of the peace process, and participated in international efforts to strengthen the rule of law. However, since 2003–2004, the Canadian government has promoted mining investments to the detriment of human rights and its relationship with civil society has deteriorated both at home and in Guatemala. This shift can be linked to a securitization process of human rights within the neoliberal order in Latin America and a change in the identity-based interest of Canadian foreign policy during Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s era (2006–2015).

September 15, 2017

Abstract, The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

:::::: Abstract ::::::



The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

by Simon Granovsky-Larsen   

The Guatemalan peace process helped to shape both the form of state that emerged following armed conflict and the constraints and opportunities faced by contemporary social movements. Despite the reconfiguration of power by Guatemalan elites through peace negotiation and accord-based reforms, social movements have harnessed neoliberal projects to strengthen grassroots resistance and alternative-building. An overview of the campesino movement and the case of the Comité Campesino del Altiplano indicates that campesinos have engaged strategically with neoliberal resources in order to construct counterhegemonic projects.

September 8, 2017

Abstract, Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?

:::::: Abstract ::::::



Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?
by Marc-André Anzueto


During Guatemala’s 36-year-long civil war (1960–1996), Canada’s role in response to the conflict diverged from the United States’ realpolitik. In contrast to U.S. policy objectives during the cold war, the Canadian distinctiveness in Guatemala was prevalent in the realm of democracy and human rights policy. The Canadian government and civil society condemned human rights violations in Guatemala, supported the various phases of the peace process, and participated in international efforts to strengthen the rule of law. However, since 2003–2004, the Canadian government has promoted mining investments to the detriment of human rights and its relationship with civil society has deteriorated both at home and in Guatemala. This shift can be linked to a securitization process of human rights within the neoliberal order in Latin America and a change in the identity-based interest of Canadian foreign policy during Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s era (2006–2015).

September 6, 2017

Abstract, The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

:::::: Abstract ::::::



The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

by Simon Granovsky-Larsen   

The Guatemalan peace process helped to shape both the form of state that emerged following armed conflict and the constraints and opportunities faced by contemporary social movements. Despite the reconfiguration of power by Guatemalan elites through peace negotiation and accord-based reforms, social movements have harnessed neoliberal projects to strengthen grassroots resistance and alternative-building. An overview of the campesino movement and the case of the Comité Campesino del Altiplano indicates that campesinos have engaged strategically with neoliberal resources in order to construct counterhegemonic projects.

July 31, 2017

Abstract, Q’eqchi’ Mayas and the Myth of “Postconflict” Guatemala

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Q’eqchi’ Mayas and the Myth of “Postconflict” Guatemala
by Autumn Knowlton      

While Guatemala has commonly been referred to as a “postconflict” setting since the end of the armed conflict of 1960–1996, Guatemalans today experience a new violence that has been described as a symptom of the changes brought about by neoliberal reforms. Q’eqchi’ Mayas’ reports of violent evictions, murders, rapes, and threats of violence point to fissures in the government’s “postconflict” discourse. The state’s counterinsurgency violence has been transformed into a kind of state-supported violence in which government institutions act at the behest of agribusinesses and mining companies to evict Q’eqchi’ from their traditional territories. The resolution of land ownership disputes between communities, the state, and corporations is central to Q’eqchi’ political imaginaries.


September 14, 2016

Political Report # 1181 The Alliance for Prosperity: Solution to the Central American Migrant Crisis or Déjà Vu?


Migrants crouch out of sight on the side of the road, waiting for a smuggler's signal that it is safe to cross, near Los Corazones, Mexico, November 8, 2015. The US Senate passed the Alliance for Prosperity Plan as a means to curtail the reasons for migration from the northern triangle of Central America. However, many fear the social component of the plan will be lost to the question of security, contributing to the militarization of the region. 
 (Photo: Daniel Berehulak / The New York Times)




By Jeff Abbott, Thruthout


This year Guatemala inaugurated a new president: Jimmy Morales, a former comedian known for a racist television show in which he regularly performed in blackface and mocked Guatemala's indigenous populations. Morales, who took office on January 14, had positioned himself as a political outsider who was able to ride the wave of popular discontent to the office. But before his inauguration, Morales was paid a special visit by US Vice President Joseph Biden, whose late arrival disrupted the events planned for the day. Biden privately met with the new president in an upscale hotel in Guatemala's wealthy Zone 10. Guatemala's daily newspaper reports that the two discussed the importance of Washington's latest plan to curb northern migration, the Alliance for Prosperity.
A month prior, the US Senate passed the controversial Alliance for Prosperity Plan as part of the 2016 budget on December 18, 2015, in a vote of 66 to 33. The plan includes $750 million to improve governance, strengthen security and promote the economic integration of the northern triangle countries of Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala. In late 2015, Mexico and Nicaragua were both added to the plan, with each country receiving nearly $120 million of the funds made available to secure their borders.
In a New York Times op-ed, Biden called for the plan following the migration crisis of 2015, and proposed the plan as a means to curtail the reasons for migration from the northern triangle of Central America. "The economies of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras remain bogged down as the rest of the Americas surge forward," Biden wrote, emphasizing the reasons for this plan. "Inadequate education, institutional corruption, rampant crime and a lack of investment are holding these countries back."

August 26, 2016

Political Report # 1176 Experimenting on Guatemala



Guatemalan medical doctors denounce government corruption during the 2015 protests (Photo by Lydia Crafts)



By Lydia Crafts, NACLA




Seventy years after more than 1000 Guatemalans were infected with diseases like syphilis by U.S. medical researchers, the country remains a site of questionable medical testing.
Federico Ramos Meza was just 20 years old when he claims to have been infected with syphilis during experiments led by the United States Public Health Service (USPHS) in the late 1940s. Ramos wasn't alone. Between 1946 and 1948, USPHS and Guatemalan medical doctors exposed 1,308 Guatemalan prisoners, psychiatric patients, soldiers, and sex workers to diseases like syphilis, gonorrhea, and chancroid. Records show that the U.S. scientists involved in those experiments did not treat the majority of Guatemalans nor did they receive informed consent from their subjects.
A former soldier for the Guatemalan military, Ramos is today 90 years old and resides with his family in a mountain village two hours by truck from the nearest health clinic. He and his family members complain of health problems they believe resulted from the syphilis contracted during the experiments. To date, they have received no help or assistance from the U.S. or Guatemalan governments as reparations for the experiments. In fact, Ramos himself paid for the only medication he received from a private clinic.

August 15, 2016

Political Report # 1171 Opposing Corporate Theft of Mayan Textiles, Weavers Appeal to Guatemala's High Court



A member of the 13 B'atz' weavers collective tightens the threads on the piece that she is weaving. The final product will then go to another member who will embroider birds and other animals on the piece. (Photo: Jeff Abbott)




By  Jeff Abbott, Truthout




Guatemala's Indigenous Mayan communities are doubling down in their struggle against the corporations that are increasingly seeking to turn aspects of their culture into commodities promoted to tourists. The struggle is just the latest front in their centuries-long resistance against the forces of conquest, imperialism and genocide.
Hundreds gathered outside the Guatemalan Congress and the Supreme Court on May 6 to demand that the government act to protect their sacred textiles from appropriation by both national and transnational companies, and on June 28, Indigenous activists testified at a public hearing in the Constitutional Court in Guatemala City.
"There is a strong appropriation of our designs and textiles," Angelina Aspuac of the Women's Association for the Development of Sacatepéquez (AFEDES), the organization spearheading this campaign, told Truthout. "This isn't only the government, but more so, it is the companies that make bags, shoes, and belts with our designs without respecting how we see these pieces within our communities, or their significance in our communities. There are elements of our clothing that are sacred, that have a spiritual significance, and others that are only used in ceremonies or by the spiritual leaders in our communities."
Currently, the laws of Guatemala do not protect the intellectual property rights of the designs of Indigenous clothing. This has left traditional Mayan designs open to theft by transnational companies looking to exploit and appropriate Mayan identity. The protesting communities and weavers have initiated a legal process at Guatemala's Constitutional Court to demand that Guatemala's Congress amend the national laws that govern national industry and industrial property rights to protect what AFEDES describes as the "collective intellectual property of Indigenous Peoples," especially "in the case of textiles and Indigenous clothing."
The plaintiffs in the legal process are not necessarily opposed to the use of their weavings by small producers, so long as these producers consult them in accordance with the International Labor Organization's Convention 169 on the rights of Indigenous and tribal peoples, prior to the use of the weavings. (The convention states that governments and companies must consult Indigenous people prior to any projects that impact their culture or territory.)
What concerns the plaintiffs more is the use of their weavings by large companies and fashion designers. Guatemalan fashion designers have increasingly utilized Indigenous designs and clothing.
In 2011, Guatemalan fashion designer Giovanni Guzmán provoked outrage by using the traditional clothing of the male spiritual leaders of the K'iche' Maya highland town of Chichicastenango for Miss Guatemala in the Miss Universe beauty pageant. Mayan leaders from across Guatemala condemned the designer's use of the sacred clothing.
"The use of Mayan ceremonial dress is a clear violation of cultural and collective rights of Indigenous peoples," wrote representatives of Indigenous authorities in a statement. "There is a lack of respect for the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala. These pieces are exclusive to ancient Mayan authorities of profound significance, historical, cultural, spiritual and philosophical character."
They added, "We are appalled and outraged, because of the misuse of our cultural possessions that follow and are sacred and bequeathed by our ancestors, therefore they are not objects for display and contamination."
Other companies, such as the high-end designer handbag company, María's Bags, utilize Indigenous weavings in their products, which sell for hundreds of dollars in Guatemala, the United States and Europe. The women of AFEDES have accused these companies of not only appropriating the indigenous weavings, but of overt racism as well. For example, they say that while the name "María's Bags" may not be meant to offend indigenous women in Guatemala, it's relevant to note that the word María is commonly used in a derogatory way to refer to all Mayan women. The bags marketed as "María's Bags" are promoted to wealthy foreign and national tourists in tourist enclaves like Antigua Guatemala.
Currently the case primarily involves women from the departments (provinces) of Guatemala, Sacatepéquez, and Chimaltenango, but this case also affects Indigenous weavers across the country and many have expressed their support for it.
"We are supporting this action that AFEDES is taking," Diego Petzey Quiejú, a young Tz'utujil Maya and weaver from Santiago Atitlan, told Truthout. "We are not able to be there physically in the court with them, but we are there spiritually with them. This is a necessary struggle." However, according to Petzey Quiejú, one obstacle to gaining a broader support for the movement is the lack of awareness in many rural communities.
"No one here in (Santiago) Atitlan knows about this initiative," Petzey Quiejú said. "There is nothing on the television, there is nothing on the radio, because there is no community radio station here. There are only publications on the internet, and it is primarily the youth that have access to these networks."
"The system is quietly dispossessing us of our identity," Petzey Quiejú added. "The government has influenced this process. When they publish various materials in the Guatemalan tourism ministry, INGUAT, they are objectifying the real significance of our weavings. It is necessary to defend our weavings. So they recognize that this is more than just work, it is our identity, it is our history, and it is the knowledge of our communities. As of now, the valorization of this is not happening."
The appropriation of Indigenous designs by fashion designers and transnational companies in Guatemala reflects a growing situation internationally. Across the globe, Indigenous communities have organized to challenge the theft of sacred designs. In 2011, for example, the Navajo Nation sued Urban Outfitters for millions of dollars for the appropriation of their name for a clothing line. The tribe lost the two lawsuits, with the court claiming that the tribe's trademark was "not famous enough."
Last November, the Inuit Nation threatened the London-based Kokon to Zai (KTZ) with a lawsuit over the use of the designs of an Inuit spiritual leader's clothing for a sweatshirt. The company apologized for the use of the design and removed the sweatshirt from stores.
Dispossession and the Commodification of Identity
In Guatemala, the women of AFEDES argue that the nation's government has appropriated Indigenous weavings as a means to attract tourism -- and that the benefits do not make their way back to the community.
"Guatemala is dominated by tourism," said Aspuac. "When the State wants to promote tourism, they use the Indigenous. They use the photos of the women with güipiles - the traditional blouse of the Indigenous women. But the reality is that the society is very discriminatory and exclusionary against our communities. The state is benefiting from our work, but we are still discriminated against because we look different, because we see the world differently, and because we dress differently."
The rise of tourism as part of the "Mundo Maya," a route of tourist attractions that includes Guatemala, Belize and Chiapas, Mexico, especially exacerbated this dispossession. At the heart of this promotion is the attempt to transform the Indigenous woman into a commodity while erasing histories of violence against Mayan communities.
At the height of Guatemala's internal armed conflict many Indigenous Mayas were targeted because of their traditional clothing.
"They exhibited us in our native dress as if we were in a zoological park where people would come and pay them money to see us," said Lucía, a former Guerrilla fighter, in the 1983 book Guatemala in Rebellion: Unfinished History, edited by Jonathan L. Fried. "They exhibit our clothes and with all this, without any effort of their own, they rake in money. The Government has used us, but now we are no longer lending ourselves to these games. Now we realized that instead of weaving another güipiles, we are better off picking up a weapon, picking up a bomb and throwing it in front of them."
From 1960-1996, Guatemala was gripped in an internal armed conflict between Marxist Guerrillas and the Government. The war disproportionally impacted Indigenous communities, which represented a major proportion of the 200,000 people killed and 45,000 disappeared.
Following the signing of the Peace Accords on December 29, 1996, Guatemala's Indigenous peoples began the process of the recuperation of their identity. But the arrival of transnational companies through neoliberal reforms guaranteed that they would continue to face dispossession.
Weaving Connections With the Ancestors
Mayan communities have a long history of weaving, which is steeped in tradition. Weaving is a deeply spiritual process for Mayan weavers. It is a mystical connection between the living culture today, and its ancestors.
Each weaving is deeply rooted in the Mayan cosmovision and reflects knowledge held by the community. Indigenous clothing commonly depicts colorful birds, trees, mountains, animals and other parts of nature. The significance of each weaving is rooted to the place where it was made. These weaving practices and patterns stretch back thousands of years.
"We have had our weavings from before the Spanish conquest," Petzey Quiejú told Truthout. "They did not come and impose these weavings, we had them before they arrived."
As western culture has entered into the communities, many youth have chosen to leave behind their traditional clothing, thus growing more distant from their oral histories, which are woven into traditional clothing. But many other youth have continued to protect the stories that are woven into Mayan clothing.
"The phrase 'dispossession of identity' encapsulates what all Indigenous people of Guatemala are suffering from," Petzey Quiejú said. "Fifty years ago, the majority of families made their own clothing, which [was] based in their relations with the cosmos; the weavings were not decorations, but rather something that had symbolic meaning that was connected with [the] life and nature that surrounded them. But then came the [capitalist] system, which told us that we needed money and you need these things. Families began to teach their children that they need these things, and little by little we've lost the connection with the meaning of the weavings."
But there are a few young weavers, such as Petzey Quiejú, who are painstakingly continuing to weave these ancient understandings into their work and actively working to protect the Mayan culture and its symbols from being lost. He works along with his family and the other young weavers of the 13 Batz' collective. Since 1997, his father, Bartolomé Petzey, has coordinated a collective of weavers in Santiago Atitlan. In addition to protecting Indigenous identity, the recuperation and protection of traditional weaving techniques provides work for many youth who might otherwise be forced to migrate north in search of employment.
According to the weavers, the weavings represent not only the past but also the future of the Mayan communities and a means of passing knowledge to future generations.
"The women have found a means to immortalize the knowledge and understanding of our ancestors within the güipiles," Aspuac told Truthout. "We worry that we are losing this philosophy and understanding. Many youth are not learning to weave, or to use the traditional clothing. So we've worked to recuperate the knowled

  





Original article and sources can be found at:
http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/37213-opposing-corporate-theft-of-mayan-textiles-weavers-appeal-to-guatemala-s-high-court

December 21, 2015

Political Report #1100, 7,000 Honduran Child Migrants Deported From US and Mexico By TeleSur


Children join a protest to call on Obama to protect undocumented children. (photo: AFP)


Political Report #1100


By TeleSur
Mexico's role in deporting Central American migrants has been rapidly expanding.

Immigration authorities in the U.S. and Mexico deported a total of 6,986 underage Honduran migrants in the first 11 months of this year, as the number of unaccompanied minors apprehended on the U.S.-Mexico border continues to soar.

November 30, 2015

Political Report # 1093 Indigenous Communities Seek Autonomous Development Projects in Guatemala By Jeff Abbott, Truthout | Report


The fourth meeting of Latin America Network Against Dams and For Rivers was held in Colonia el Naranjo, Guatemala in October 2005. (Photo: Glen Switkes / International Rivers)


By Jeff Abbott, Truthout | Report
As Guatemala faces its greatest political crisis since the 1980s, behind the scenes, plans for the United States' Alliance for Prosperity continue to move along. The plan, which was modeled after Plan Colombia, would provide the governments of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador - the "northern triangle" of Central America - with an additional $1 billion aid package, on top of existing aid plans, to spur further investment in the region. The expansion of hydroelectric construction projects and the further integration of electric grids are central to the plan, yet these projects threaten indigenous communities' land rights.

November 3, 2015

Political Report #1085 Oligarchy in Retreat: Guatemala's Election By Robie Mitchell and Mark Cameron, Research Associates at COHA




Featured Photo: Paro Nacional en Guatemala el 27 de agosto de 2015. From Nerdoguate


By Robie Mitchell and Mark Cameron, Research Associates at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs
Guatemala appears to be, for better or worse, entering the denouement of a climactic year for its ongoing corruption investigation, which saw its peak just weeks ago when the Guatemalan National Congress voted to strip former President Otto Perez Molina of his political immunity. Molina is now facing trial for his suspected involvement in the custom house bribery scandal known as "La Linea." At least 28 officials within the national customs group called SAT collaborated to collect bribes in exchange for lowering the tariffs that were legally required to be levied on corporations, and included various importers, lawyers, and even a former intelligence agent. All told, the ranks of the guilty swelled to 64.1 To keep the scam from becoming too blatant, importers still paid 40 percent of what sum was expected, paid 30 percent to the corrupt officials, and pocketed the other 30 percent as savings.2 The Guatemalan people were defrauded $328,000 weekly in this scheme, or the equivalent of the minimum daily wage for 1,682 industrial laborers.3 In Guatemala nearly 53 percent of the population lives in poverty according to the World Bank, and access and funding to health services and education is lacking. It is difficult to understand why Guatemala's political and economic elites never imagined they would be caught and punished for their abuse of power on this scale.

August 31, 2015

Political Report # 1072 Guatemalan Supreme Court Approves Motion to Impeach President by Sofia Rada, COHA


                                    

                                       Featured Photo: Otto Perez Molina. From: World Economic Forum


By Sofia Rada, Research Associate at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs

Amid a growing political crisis in Guatemala, the country's Supreme Court issued a unanimous decision on August 25 to approve a motion by the attorney general to impeach the president.[1] The attorney general identified President Otto Pérez Molina as the head of a corruption scheme that led to the resignation of the country's vice president and a number of other senior officials. The growing crisis has mired the president's administration for much of this year, but until now the opposition has been unable to get enough votes in congress to lift the immunity granted to Pérez Molina by Guatemalan law.

As opposition to his continuance in office mounted, Guatemalan President Pérez Molina announced on August 23 through a televised address that he would not resign.[2] He categorically denied all claims that he has ties to the corruption scandal, which led to the May resignation of the country's former vice president, Roxana Baldetti, who was arrested on August 21 and taken to court. The scandal concerns the funneling of taxes into private accounts and offering discounted custom rates for under-the-table payments.[3] Despite growing protests and increasing pressure from those who oppose his continued rule, however, the president continues to reject any responsibility and does not show signs of succumbing to demands for his resignation.[4]