Showing posts with label Class Struggle. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Class Struggle. Show all posts

June 8, 2020

Abstract, The Political Economy of Puerto Rico: Surplus Use and Class Structure

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The Political Economy of Puerto Rico: Surplus Use and Class Structure

by Ricardo R. Fuentes-Ramírez



Assuming that the first claim on a society’s output is to meet the essential consumption needs of its citizens, the remainder of its output, or surplus, can be conceptualized as discretionary income that it may use in various ways. An analysis of the use of the surplus in Puerto Rico suggests that most of the economic surplus remains within the island, unproductively utilized by domestic capitalists. By redirecting this surplus to productive investment, Puerto Rico could initiate a process of recovery. The task is developing the political will to transfer this wealth from high-income Puerto Ricans and unproductive sectors to a radical industrial policy initiative. Emphasizing that there are in fact alternatives to austerity may facilitate social movements’ coalescing around this policy and thus contribute to the development of the political conditions necessary for restoring growth and development.


November 19, 2019

Political Report # 1428 Ecuador's Strike is a Class Struggle, Not an Endorsement of Previous Governent






Political Report # 1428

Ecuador's Strike is a Class Struggle, Not an Endorsement of Previous Government


October 9, 2019

On the second week of massive protests in Ecuador, thousands of indigenous protesters paralyzed the country and thousands more arrived in the capital of Quito, where they marched and eventually faced martial law. They reject President Moreno's Neo-liberal reforms, but also emphasize their opposition to former President Rafael Correa, whom Moreno is blaming for the uprising. We spoke to representatives of 2 of the largest indigenous organizations CONAIE and CONFENAIE.

Massive protests have brought Ecuador almost to a standstill. Much of the country is paralized by a coalition of social organizations, including the indigenous movement under CONAIE, many student organizations, the Unitary Front of Workers or FUT, and many citizens in general, especially farmers and workers.

The protests erupted after President Lenin Moreno declared a host of economic and social austerity measures, proposed by the IMF, as a condition for loans. These included eliminating subsidies, raising gas and food prices, and restructuring work laws, based on more neoliberal standards, among other things.

Building up to the protests, anger among Ecuadorians reached a boiling point when the National Assembly struck down a law that would have made it possible to confiscate private assets from people involved in corruption.

By the second week of massive protests, thousands of indigenous protesters paralyzed towns and roads and thousands more arrived in the capital, after walking in many cases hundreds of miles from their rural homes, all the way to Quito.

Andres Tapia, Communications Director CONFENAIE: “We are all striking against a massive increase in food and transport prices, also the government’s agreement with the IMF. These agreements with oil, mining and timber corporations, represent a great danger for our indigenous lands.”

We spoke over the phone with Andres Tapia, he is the Communications Director of CONFENAIE, short for Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon.

Andres Tapia, Communications Director CONFENAIE: “We are extremely worried about [the destruction of the biosphere], and that is precisely the central demand of the indigenous movements articulated under CONAIE.

However, on this particular strike our demands are the following:

1- no to the austerity measures imposed by the IMF,

2- no to a mining and oil based economy,

3- no to the new laws regulating work.

So we want to be categorical on this: our protests are an organic process by social organizations, along with the indigenous movements and in no way is it an endorsement of Correa or any other Ecuadorian political figure.”

The fact that the protests, at least from the indigenous movement, do not endorse former president Rafael Correa, is precisely a very important part of the issue.

President Moreno and other high ranking government officials have alleged a destabilization plot by Correa, as a justification for declaring a state of exception, similar to martial law, and sent the military and riot squads to repress the protesters.

Even the Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaido tweeted about his support for President Moreno, claiming that there is a Pro-Maduro – Pro-Correa plot that is financing the protests. Guaido made these claims despite a decade of Correa’s forceful opposition to the indigenous movement.

Correa not only imprisoned many indigenous leaders, but also intensified a surveillance state apparatus on them, violently repressing demonstrations and waiving many of their constitutional rights in favor of mining projects.

Andres Tapia, Communications Director CONFENAIE: “The indigenous movement’s agenda goes beyond supporting a political or presidential figure, like Rafael Correa was. Historically, In that sense the indigenous movement spoke for the great majority of the Ecuadorian people. Now is not the exception. Over the last decades, we have been protagonists of Ecuador’s social changes.”

Recently there have been many documented cases of human rights violations, including three deaths (by Oct, 7th), about 600 people detained, dozens of cases of often grave injuries, such as shots with pellet bullets and even live rounds, public beatings, run-overs, and even many alleged cases of torture.

The official in charge of this operation is General Oswaldo Jarrin, who was trained in Israel and The School of the Americas, as part of “Operation Condor,” back in the nineteen eighties.

Jarrin ordered elite troops and assault vehicles to be stationed outside the Carondelet Presidential Palace in preparation for Wednesday’s general strike.

In the early 2000’s, very similar strikes took down three governments, one after the other.

However, this time, to avoid being deposed like many before him, President Moreno strategically flew to Guayaquil, under the protection of the Social Christian Party which runs the city and surrounding areas.

Apawki Castro, Communications Director CONAIE: “[The alleged plot of Correa financing us], is a lie, a “PR strategy”, trying to control information, and also the Correa faction is obviously trying to use our momentum and get on board. We are not supporting any character, our struggle is about rights, ours and nature’s, along with the rest of our demands. They have that strategy, trying to use us, on a move to bring back Rafael Correa, but we are steering clear from any of that.”

There are supporters of former president Rafael Correa on the streets, trying to swing the momentum in their favor, including the Governor of Pichincha and many Alianza Pais figures, some like Luis Tuarez where violently rejected by the crowd.

But by far, the core of the protests is formed by the indigenous and student movements, along with an angry population tired of imposed austerity measures, while corruption cases involving millions of dollars multiply, many unprosecuted.

And while on the streets people protest, in the background, the political right stands to win. Right wing parties, have encouraged and supported Moreno, letting his government do all the “dirty” austerity work, and they are now in a position to win the next elections and take over a stronger state apparatus.

Apawki Castro, Communications Director CONAIE: “As indigenous movements, we have proposed a new economic model, away from the current extractivist model, which is not a sustainable model for our nationalities and territories. So for now, that is demand number two on our agenda.”

Furthermore, Tapia, who represents a group from the Amazon regions, stresses the importance that nature has for the indigenous movement.

Andres Tapia, Communications Director CONFENAIE: “The indigenous movement has always been active defending the land, locally, internationally, and even in a global context. We have been at the forefront of the fight against climate change. In our struggle, [PachaMamma or Mother Earth] has been represented in one of our main traditional standard flags, and it still stands as such. In that context [taking care of nature] is one of our main demands, especially in the amazon. In principle, we oppose the many mining and oil concessions, given all over the country, by this and past governments, including that of Rafael Correa Delgado.”

On October 7th two official CONAIE documents were published.

The second document addressed several cases of looting, stating that whoever committed such crimes is not part of their movement, and furthermore stating that they have identified several groups of agent provocateurs, sent by the military, operating to spread chaos.


And as a response to that, in the build up for the general strike on October 10th, indigenous guards will provide security and detain violent individuals.





Original article can be found (here).
URL:      Click here for article

August 1, 2019

Abstract, Brazilians in London: Ideology, Social Class, and Motivations for Migration, Settlement, and Return

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Brazilians in London: Ideology, Social Class, and Motivations for Migration, Settlement, and Return
by Daniel Robins





The United Kingdom now boasts the largest Brazilian population in Europe, but so far the processes behind this relatively new migration stream remain undertheorized. An examination of Brazilian migration to London suggests that, although increased access to economic capital certainly plays a role in it, what migrants do with this capital may vary significantly and, further, that these differences are related to social class and ideology. The likelihood that they will settle or return is also linked to the degree to which they identify with the dominant ideology of the destination society.


July 4, 2019

Abstract, Brazil’s June Days of 2013: Mass Protest, Class, and the Left

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Brazil’s June Days of 2013: Mass Protest, Class, and the Left


by Sean Purdy



On June 17, 2013, Brazilians took to the streets in militant rallies and marches against transit fare hikes, poor-quality education and health care services, and the immense public investment in “mega-events” such as the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics. These massive demonstrations capped off a two-week series of demonstrations initially provoked by a 20-cent increase in bus, train, and subway fares in São Paulo. In the face of brutal police repression, the harsh opposition of politicians and the major political parties, and the clear bias of the mass media, the largely young and working-class protesters soon forced municipal governments in over 100 cities to revoke proposed fare increases. Explanations for the June Days and the ensuing political crisis, which have been the subject of fierce debates in activist and scholarly circles in Brazil, ignore the role of particular forms of capitalism, the adoption of neoliberalism by Workers’ Party governments, and the changing forms and conditions of class struggle.


May 30, 2018

Abstract, Changing the Channel: Class Conflict, Everyday State Formation, and Television in Venezuela

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Changing the Channel: Class Conflict, Everyday State Formation, and Television in Venezuela
 by Naomi Schiller

The formation of new state television outlets in Venezuela during the Chávez era was a process of dismantling and remaking hierarchies among social classes and between the fields of state and community media production. An analysis of the involvement of community media producers in creating a new state television outlet in Caracas and the collaboration between community and state producers in the first decade of the twenty-first century suggests that the influx of community media producers into state media projects and vice versa was mutually transformative. Such an analysis brings to the fore what vertical topographies of power obscure: the conflict and cooperation between different social sectors that were central to the making of both official and unofficial media projects aligned with the Chávez-led Bolivarian Revolution. In these joint efforts we see the state as an unfolding process of negotiation and struggle.

April 6, 2018

Abstract, Received Wisdom: Stavenhagen’s “Erroneous Theses” and the Mexican Maquiladora Industry

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Received Wisdom: Stavenhagen’s “Erroneous Theses” and the Mexican Maquiladora Industry
by María del Rosario Fátima Robles Robles


Rodolfo Stavenhagen’s “Seven Erroneous Theses about Latin America” has contributed to a social science–based understanding of the processes of development and underdevelopment in Latin America. Fifty years after its publication, its analysis applies to a form of industrialization that has emerged along the northern Mexican border. The received wisdom about the maquiladora export industry and the implementation of an export-oriented development model—that they should foster regional industrialization and dynamism and increase employment—has not been realized. Examination of this industry highlights the relations between national economic structures and transnational corporations that deepen and transform current modes of internal colonialism.

January 22, 2018

Abstract, Informality, Class Structure, and Class Identity in Contemporary Argentina

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Informality, Class Structure, and Class Identity in Contemporary Argentina
by Rodolfo Elbert 


The dynamics of peripheral capitalism in Latin America includes the employment or self-employment of a significant proportion of the working class under informal arrangements. The neoliberal transformations of the 1990s deepened this feature of Latin American labor markets, and it was not reversed during the period of economic growth that followed the collapse of neoliberalism. In this context, sociological debates have focused on the relationship between the formal and the informal fractions of the working class. Examination of the biographical and family linkages between formal and informal workers in Argentina and the effect of these connections on the patterns of class self-identification of individuals shows that lived experience across the informality boundary makes formal workers similar to informal workers in terms of class self-identification. This research provides preliminary evidence that the two kinds of workers belong to the same social class because of the fluidity of the boundary that separates them. Instead of a class cleavage, this boundary is better defined as the separation between fractions of the working class.

December 13, 2017

Abstract, Informality, Class Structure, and Class Identity in Contemporary Argentina

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Informality, Class Structure, and Class Identity in Contemporary Argentina
by Rodolfo Elbert 


The dynamics of peripheral capitalism in Latin America includes the employment or self-employment of a significant proportion of the working class under informal arrangements. The neoliberal transformations of the 1990s deepened this feature of Latin American labor markets, and it was not reversed during the period of economic growth that followed the collapse of neoliberalism. In this context, sociological debates have focused on the relationship between the formal and the informal fractions of the working class. Examination of the biographical and family linkages between formal and informal workers in Argentina and the effect of these connections on the patterns of class self-identification of individuals shows that lived experience across the informality boundary makes formal workers similar to informal workers in terms of class self-identification. This research provides preliminary evidence that the two kinds of workers belong to the same social class because of the fluidity of the boundary that separates them. Instead of a class cleavage, this boundary is better defined as the separation between fractions of the working class.

August 15, 2017

Book Review, Changing Dynamics in Bolivia

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Changing Dynamics in Bolivia
by Linda Farthing

Unresolved Tensions: Bolivia, Past and Present
Crabtree John & Whitehead Laurence (eds.). Unresolved Tensions: Bolivia, Past and Present. PittsburghUniversity of Pittsburgh Press2008.
The Bolivian Revolution and the United States, 1952 to the Present
Siekmeier James F. The Bolivian Revolution and the United States, 1952 to the Present. University ParkPennsylvania State University Press2011.
Along the Bolivian Highway: Social Mobility and Political Culture in a New Middle Class
Shakow Miriam Along the Bolivian Highway: Social Mobility and Political Culture in a New Middle Class. PhiladelphiaUniversity of Pennsylvania Press2014.
Mobilizing Bolivia’s Displaced: Indigenous Politics and the Struggle over Land
Fabricant Nicole Mobilizing Bolivia’s Displaced: Indigenous Politics and the Struggle over Land. Chapel HillUniversity of North Carolina Press2012.
Red October: Left-Indigenous Struggles in Modern Bolivia
Webber Jeffrey Red October: Left-Indigenous Struggles in Modern Bolivia. ChicagoHaymarket2011.

Bolivia’s recent trajectory toward greater inclusion of its indigenous majority has brought more scholarly attention to the Andean country than in any previous era. The five books reviewed here, published between 2008 and 2014, reflect this international interest in what Evo Morales’s government calls the “process of change.” Three of the books address political economy broadly speaking, and the other two are anthropological studies of two groups—the emerging middle class in the provincial town of Sacaba, outside Cochabamba, and the landless workers in the eastern lowlands in Santa Cruz. Taken together they consider Bolivia from the national political and economic scale to the specificity of daily life.



June 6, 2017

Book, Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chavez Phenomenon

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Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chavez Phenomenon
by Steve Ellner



In this fresh look at Venezuelan politics, Steve Ellner emphasizes the central significance of the country's economic and social cleavages. Ellner's journey through modern Venezuelan history - observing popular masses and social actors as much as political elites and formal institutions - fundamentally informs his analysis of Hugo Chavez's presidency and the 'Bolivarian Revolution' at its core. Perhaps equally important, as he explores the rise of Chavismo, opposition within the country and abroad, internal tensions in the Chavista movement, and the trajectory of the Chavez government domestically and on the international stage, he sheds new light not only on Venezuela, but also on the recent political turmoil elsewhere in Latin America. This title offers a fresh perspective on Venezuelan politics from the colonial period to the present, emphasizing the central significance of the country's economic and social cleavages.

April 25, 2017

Book, Haiti: From Revolutionary Slaves to Powerless Citizens: Essays on the Politics and Economics of Underdevelopment, 1804-2013

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Haiti: From Revolutionary Slaves to Powerless Citizens: Essays on the Politics and Economics of Underdevelopment, 1804-2013
by Alex Dupuy



This title focuses on Haiti from an international perspective. Haiti has endured undue influence from successive French and US governments; its fragile 'democracy' has been founded on subordination to and dominance of foreign powers. This book examines Haiti's position within the global economic and political order, and how the more dominant members of the international community have, in varying ways, exploited the country over the last 200 years.

February 3, 2017

Book, Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chavez Phenomenon

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Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chavez Phenomenon
by Steve Ellner



In this fresh look at Venezuelan politics, Steve Ellner emphasizes the central significance of the country's economic and social cleavages. Ellner's journey through modern Venezuelan history - observing popular masses and social actors as much as political elites and formal institutions - fundamentally informs his analysis of Hugo Chavez's presidency and the 'Bolivarian Revolution' at its core. Perhaps equally important, as he explores the rise of Chavismo, opposition within the country and abroad, internal tensions in the Chavista movement, and the trajectory of the Chavez government domestically and on the international stage, he sheds new light not only on Venezuela, but also on the recent political turmoil elsewhere in Latin America. This title offers a fresh perspective on Venezuelan politics from the colonial period to the present, emphasizing the central significance of the country's economic and social cleavages.

December 13, 2016

Book, Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chavez Phenomenon

:::::: Book ::::::





Rethinking Venezuelan Politics: Class, Conflict, and the Chavez Phenomenon
by Steve Ellner



In this fresh look at Venezuelan politics, Steve Ellner emphasizes the central significance of the country's economic and social cleavages. Ellner's journey through modern Venezuelan history - observing popular masses and social actors as much as political elites and formal institutions - fundamentally informs his analysis of Hugo Chavez's presidency and the 'Bolivarian Revolution' at its core. Perhaps equally important, as he explores the rise of Chavismo, opposition within the country and abroad, internal tensions in the Chavista movement, and the trajectory of the Chavez government domestically and on the international stage, he sheds new light not only on Venezuela, but also on the recent political turmoil elsewhere in Latin America. This title offers a fresh perspective on Venezuelan politics from the colonial period to the present, emphasizing the central significance of the country's economic and social cleavages.

December 8, 2016

Book, Haiti: From Revolutionary Slaves to Powerless Citizens: Essays on the Politics and Economics of Underdevelopment, 1804-2013

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Haiti: From Revolutionary Slaves to Powerless Citizens: Essays on the Politics and Economics of Underdevelopment, 1804-2013
by Alex Dupuy



This title focuses on Haiti from an international perspective. Haiti has endured undue influence from successive French and US governments; its fragile 'democracy' has been founded on subordination to and dominance of foreign powers. This book examines Haiti's position within the global economic and political order, and how the more dominant members of the international community have, in varying ways, exploited the country over the last 200 years.

October 18, 2016

Book, "The Meanings of Work: Essay on the Affirmation and Negation of Work"

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The Meanings of Work: Essay on the Affirmation and Negation of Work
by Ricardo Antunes


The Meanings of Work aims to explore some dimensions of the changes taking place in the labour-world, as well as looking at the consequences, theoretical and empirical, entailed by these transformations, such as the relevance and pertinence of the category of labour in the contemporary world. Billions of men and women depend exclusively on their labour to survive and encounter increasingly unstable, precarious or casual workers and the unemployed. As the contingent of workers has grown, there have been a vast reduction in jobs, rights have been corroded and the gains of the past have been eroded. The Meanings of Work starts with a wider conception of work and seeks to understand this new condition of labour today.

December 8, 2015

Book, "The Portuguese Revolution: State and Class in the Transition to Democracy" By Ronald H. Chilcote

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The Portuguese Revolution: State and Class in the Transition to Democracy 
By Ronald H. Chilcote

Building on decades of research, leading scholar Ronald H. Chilcote provides a definitive analysis of the 1974–1975 Portuguese revolution, which captured global attention and continues to resonate today. His study revisits a key historical moment to explain the revolution and its aftermath through periods of authoritarianism and resistance as well as representative and popular democracy. Exploring the intertwined themes of class, state, and hegemony, Chilcote builds a powerful framework for understanding the Portuguese case as well as contemporary political economy worldwide.

July 31, 2015

Political Report # 1064 by LAP Editor James Petras - The Right-Left Crossfire and the Post Neo-Liberal Left


                                               By James Petras, LAP Editor

Introduction

            The post neo-liberal regimes which flourished in five Latin American countries in the first decade of the 21st century were a product of three inter-related historical processes.  The breakdown of the neo-liberal development model, which in turn ignited mass popular movements for radical political-economic transformations; the incapacity of the mass movements to produce a viable alternative worker-peasant based regime; the beginning of a decade long mega commodity boom which provided a huge influx of revenues which allowed the center-left regimes to finance a capitalist recovery, and secure support from the extractive capitalist sector and finance generous increases in wages, salaries and pensions.
            These hybrid, extractive capitalist-national-populist regimes were repeatedly elected until the middle of the second decade of the 21st century.  The capitalist-populist electoral coalition encountered major opposition with the end of the commodity boom.  The fall in world-market prices led to demands by the techno-capitalist elites for measures of fiscal constraints aimed at reducing social expenditures.  At the same time they insisted the regimes grant fiscal largesse for the agro-mineral elite by lowering capital gains taxes and increase fiscal incentives for investors.
            As a result, the end of the commodity boom led to the termination of the center-left brokered "consensus".  In its place the regimes faced a right-left crossfire:  rightwing business associations led successful electoral challenges and large scale street mobilizations, and the left-wing trade unions and social movements resisted through strikes in defense of existing social gains.  The question raised by this left-right crossfire is whether this spells the end of the post neo-liberal, hybrid regimes and the return of neo-liberal regimes or class based leftist politics?

July 27, 2015

Political Report # 1062 by LAP Editor James Petras - Comparing and Contrasting the Class Struggle in Latin America: 2000-2015




                                                 By LAP Editor James Petras
 
Introduction
           
Class conflict is always present, endemic, in Latin America.  What changes, over time, is the character of the class struggle.  By 'character' we mean, the principal classes and leaders, who direct in the struggle, set the political agenda and define the parameters of socio-economic changes.