Showing posts with label Violence. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Violence. Show all posts

July 3, 2020

Abstract, Neoliberal Urbanization and Synergistic Violence in Postearthquake Concepción

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Neoliberal Urbanization and Synergistic Violence in Postearthquake Concepción 

by Christian Paulo Matus Madrid, Rodrigo Ganter, Juan Antonio Carrasco, and Camila Barraza Huaiquimilla

The Chilean neoliberal state’s institutional strategy for displacing a historical population from Aurora de Chile, a centrally located area with real estate value in the city of Concepción, combined three types of violence: shock urbanization, which used the 2010 earthquake as an opportunity to impose the construction of major infrastructure, the construction of public opinion aimed at naturalizing displacement, and the strategic use of participation as a disciplinary socio-technical device to legitimize a solution to the conflict that guaranteed the building of the Bicentennial Bridge. The deployment of this synergistic, multifaceted violence was a sophisticated management technique associated with a neoliberal urban rationality that contributed to the process of urban renewal.


October 22, 2019

Political Report # 1419 'Based in hatred': violence against women standing in Colombia's elections













Political Report # 1419





'Based in hatred': violence against women standing in Colombia's elections
Killing of Karina García reflects targeting of female contenders, amid mounting security concerns.

The body of mayoral candidate Karina García was found shot and incinerated in her car in the Cauca department of southern Colombia, on 1 September.

For weeks, García had reported receiving threats and asked the government for increased protection during campaigning for the local and departmental elections at the end of the month.

Since the political race officially began, seven candidates have been murdered around the country.

These elections will be the first to take place since the historic signing of a peace accord between the Farc rebels and the Colombian government in 2016, ending more than 50 years of war.

The assassinations, attacks and threats against candidates take place amid concerns about increasing violence in Colombia. Some analysts attribute the killings to armed groups looking to gain territorial authority and the control of the illegal drugs trade. Those candidates who support the implementation of the peace process, including the eradication or substitution of coca crops, risk becoming targets.

Amid the rising tide of violence, national women’s organisations are voicing concerns that attacks on female political candidates are shaped by gender dynamics.

Carolina Mosquera, researcher at feminist organisation Sisma Mujer, said women are being targeted both for running as candidates, and for disturbing the patriarchal order. “Male candidates are being attacked, but not for gendered reasons – not because they are men.”

Irina Cuesta, a researcher at thinktank Fundación Ideas para la Paz, told the Guardian: “Our research has found that when women leaders are attacked, it’s through threats to their family members, sexual violence, and generalised warnings against the work they do. The contents of the threats are openly sexist and question [women’s] political processes more generally.”

She describes a wave of femicides that took place in Puerto Asís, Putumayo, earlier this year. Among victims were women who planned to register as candidates in the coming elections.

“There is a political message behind these aggressions against women leaders and candidates, particularly in the territories where stereotypes and tolerance to gender-based violence are useful tools for illegal armed actors.”

María Emilsen Angulo is running to be the mayor of Tumaco, a port town on Colombia’s Pacific coast notorious for violence, drug-smuggling and the presence of armed groups.

In May, Angulo was approached by a group of armed men who told her to end her political campaign.

“I was worried, because I know how things work around here, but I continued cautiously. The second time they came to me, it was much more vulgar, crueller,” she says, in her campaign office in the centre of Tumaco.

“They threatened me and told me that they know where my daughter is, where my husband is, that they know where we travel and how we move, and if something happened, it would be my fault.”

She and her team decided to pull out of the running, but later surprised the community by officially registering again.

“Women need to keep advancing to get access to the spaces that we still can’t reach. There should be an equality when it comes to governing this country, there should be more women counsellors, representatives, governors, mayors.”

She has hired private security, but remains fearful.

“When you launch a political campaign, you put your life at risk, your family at risk,” she says.

“I feel that there are no guarantees for my safety. I want to do my job, but there are stronger interests out there.”

Ten years ago, Laura Montoya nearly died after being attacked by a paramilitary group while in the office of her radio station. A journalist and activist for many years, she is now running for a seat in the departmental assembly of Putumayo, a southern province bordering Ecuador and Peru.

In 2018, Montoya received a death threat via an anonymous phone call, and earlier this year her name appeared on a menacing pamphlet signed by a paramilitary group. Despite ongoing fears for her safety, she decided to launch a political campaign.

“Women are gaining ground, but we still have further to go, and this has to begin from above, with policies that can represent real changes,” she says.

“There is a gendered issue here. There is a deep-rooted machismo. I work alongside men who are involved in the same activism and they haven’t received the threats that I have.”
Her department, Putumayo, continues to be one of the top coca-growing parts of the country, and armed groups are once again trying to gain control of the illicit trade.

When it comes to women running for office in this context, Montoya is clear: “Women have become more empowered, but [participation] is still lacking because of the fear, the lack of guarantees for their security.”

According to 2011 law, each party’s electoral list must include 30% women. Despite this, only 12% of all mayors in the country are women.

Ana Güezmes García, the Representative for UN Women in Colombia, said “one of the biggest challenges is women’s participation at the local level”.

“To consolidate the peace process, we need to invest in women … and create a culture of security for them,” she added.

“Gendered violence is based in hatred. The level of murders and extreme violence we have seen in Colombia is very worrying and requires a strengthened response from all of the institutions. It’s the community leaders who face the biggest risks of threats and violence, which is why it’s extremely important that what we saw happen in Cauca mobilises everyone to respond, investigate and sanction what happened.”

During her campaign, Karina García’s political slogan was: “One woman, one hope”.


“She wanted to bring a new sort of leadership to Suárez [her municipality],” says Mosquera, “but when so few women are willing to risk entering electoral politics and then they see events like this, the message becomes extremely clear: don’t participate or this could happen to you too.”



Original article can be found (here).
URL:      https://theintercept.com/2019/09/24/puerto-rico-austerity-congress/

September 12, 2019

Abstract, Narratives about Political Violence and Reconciliation in Peru

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Narratives about Political Violence and Reconciliation in Peru


by Jerónimo Ríos


The narratives of members of the armed forces, former members of the Shining Path, and victims of Peru’s armed conflict between 1980 and 2000 include very different views of the responsibility for the violence, the notion of terrorism, the concepts of truth, justice, reparation, and nonrepetition, and the meaning of reconciliation itself. Analysis of in-depth interviews reveals a society that, decades after the violence, in 2018, the Year of National Dialogue and Reconciliation, is still fractured and far from any type of recovery of its social fabric and symbolic resolution of its internal armed conflict.


August 22, 2018

Political Report # 1364 Brazil: murder of indigenous leader highlights threat to way of life

Indigenous people in the Brazilian Amazon are mourning the murder of a community leader who campaigned to protect the forest from logging amid escalating violence in the region.
Jorginho Guajajara, a cacique, or leader, of the Guajajara people, was found dead near a river in the city of Arame, Maranhão state, at the weekend.
Members of the tribe say his death was the result of a fierce conflict provoked by the incursion of loggers into their land. Up to 80 Guajajaras have been killed in the area since 2000.
“Jorginho’s body was found dumped by a stream which is renowned for being a dumping ground for Guajajaras killed by loggers or people connected to them,” said Sarah Shenker, a senior researcher at Survival International, the global movement for tribal peoples’ rights.
Guajajara supported a group called the Guardians of Amazon, who have taken direct action to reduce illegal logging in the Araeibóia reserve in Maranhão state: tying up loggers, burning their trucks and tractors, and kicking them off the reserves.
The Guardians say they defend the forest for their families and for the uncontacted Awá people that live in the same territory.

June 25, 2018

Political Report # 1350 Why Is the US Silent About Mexico’s New Internal Security Law?

While Mexican governmental institutions are experiencing a credibility crisis, Mexico’s National Congress approved what is known as the Internal Security Law. According to Article 2 of the text of the law, its objective is “to safeguard the permanence and continuity of governmental order and institutions, as well as national development through the maintenance of constitutional order, the rule of law and democratic governance.”
Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto enacted the law, which became effective on December 21, 2017, and has since caused a wave of protests throughout Mexico. Numerous social movements, unions and civil society organizations see the new law as part of a process of militarizing Mexican society, which could worsen violence in the county.
In general terms, this law broadens opportunities for the armed forces to act throughout Mexican territory, even legitimizing the use of violence. It allows the armed forces to intervene in matters that concern civil authorities, such as disturbances and protests that are considered violent or acts of resistance. The law also permits the invasion of citizens’ privacy to collect intelligence information and entry into homes without a court order, including during criminal legal system investigations.
Anneliese Danaé Echeverria, an attorney and professor who is a union member and legal affairs assistant with Section 22 of the National Organization of Education Workers (CNTE) in the state of Oaxaca, tells Truthout, “The Mexican Constitution established that the army could not intervene in civil matters, they had to resolve any conflicts through the military court system. Civilians have their own courts. But the new law guarantees military intervention in all aspects of civilian life throughout the country. Civil authorities that are already in crisis will have little room to interfere with these interventions, because the military will act immediately, without consultation or requesting a warrant.”

May 28, 2018

Political Report # 1342 US-Trained Special Forces Joined Police Crackdown on Dam Protesters in Honduras





By Sandra Cuffe, Truthout
It started at dawn. A vehicle full of Honduran police officers showed up at around 5 am on May 3 in front of the community protest camp in Pajuiles, where residents have been present day and night for more than a year to prevent the passage of hydroelectric dam construction machinery. Less than two hours later, the whole area was crawling with hundreds of members of various police units, including regular national police, the Police Investigations Directorate, the elite COBRAS unit and the TIGRES special forces, which are heavily supported by the US and trained by Green Berets from the 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne).
"It was like a war zone," Pajuiles community leader Albertina López told Truthout.
Police forces lined the immediate area along the nearby highway that runs from El Progreso up to Tela, along the Caribbean coast in the Atlántida Department. Soon they were also lining the road past the camp and up to the contested construction site of the Mezapa River dam. They showed up in convoys, escorting machinery, construction materials and company personnel up to the site, where the Honduran company HIDROCEP has been trying to build a 1.3 megawatt dam.
"People were scared," said López. Nevertheless, she and a few other women made an attempt to stop the machinery, lying down in the road in front of the protest camp to try to stop the machinery's passage. "That's when they started firing tear gas at us," she said. People scattered, ushering a 75-year-old protester and children to safety, but López and others maintained their permanent presence at the roadside resistance camp throughout the police operations that lasted two full days.
State violence against community resistance to natural resource exploitation projects continues unabated in Honduras. The recent crackdown in Pajuiles to impose a fiercely contested hydroelectric dam project is just one of the latest incidents, but it provides a clear example of the involvement of US-trained and -supported special forces in repression against community activists.

May 14, 2018

Political Report # 1336 Macri's Argentina Has Become a Hotbed of Neoliberalism and Police Violence




By Hugo Goeury, Truthout 
After 12 years of center-left rule under Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and his wife Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015), Argentina took a decisive turn to the right in November 2015 with the election of Mauricio Macri, a former businessman and mayor of Buenos Aires from 2007 to 2015.
If the first decade of the 21st century had seen left and center-left governments dominate the Latin American political scene -- a period that is often called the "Pink Tide" -- Macri's election marked the beginning of a regional shift to the right. Since then, the left has faced many challenges and setbacks in Latin America. Those include, among others: the controversial removal of Brazil's first female president Dilma Rousseff by parliament in August 2016, followed by the current judicial attacks aimed at preventing former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva from running in the upcoming presidential election; the recent election of right-wing, multibillionaire and former president (2010-2014) Sebastián Piñera in Chile; and the confrontation between Rafael Correa and his successor, ex-Vice President Lenín Moreno in Ecuador.
Meanwhile, in Argentina, the resurgence of the right and the implementation of Macri's neoliberal project has not only been synonymous with constant assaults against social rights, but also of increasing levels of state violence.

February 26, 2018

Political Report # 1315 Defending Hope and Freedom against Fear and Repression in Honduras




By  David A. Sylvester

Tikkum



TEGUCIGALPA, HONDURAS - You may have seen the photographs of the violent protests here in the capital of Honduras when the right-wing candidate Juan Orlando Hernández installed himself as president two weeks ago after manipulating the November election in his favor.  For hours, the opposition demonstrators appeared like dark forms in the grey haze of tear gas as they faced off against three types of police and soldier.
But you probably never saw a more important event the next night: an interfaith vigil and demonstration calling for national dialogue and a peaceful return to a constitutional government. In spite of the confrontations of previous day, more than 500 Hondurans streamed onto the Avenida La Paz directly in front of the bunker of a U.S. Embassy and freely shouted in defiance to those in the building, with an appeal to the lines of police and soldiers guarding it and, perhaps equally important, to strengthen hope in each other.
Speaker after speaker railed against the stolen presidential election, the crisis of militarization in Honduras, and the disaster of this slow social strangulation supported by the United States. In the street, Hondurans sang and danced and cried with grief for the wounded and dead at the hands of the military.  For a moment, even surrounded by the machinery of repression, the gathering became a cathartic fiesta of freedom.

February 23, 2018

Political Report # 1314 Green for Blue in the Mexican Security State






By Nicola Chavez Courtright

NACLA



On December 19, exactly three months after the earthquake that left over 360 dead in central Mexico, the iconic Arena México in Mexico City was gearing up for its regular Tuesday evening show. According to the event's flyer, however, the night of lucha libre would be punctuated by a special event: an homage to "the Mexican heroes who participated in rescue missions" after the September 19th quake.
In a pause between lucha rounds, dozens of uniformed men and women marched into the arena in step with the Zacatecas March, played by the wind section of the National Defense Secretary band. While soldiers posed before the green, white, and red of the Mexican flag waving across huge LED screens, the celebration uplifted the military's role as the genuine heroes of the disaster, sidelining the roles taken on by civilian rescue groups in the quake's aftermath.
The act exuded all the grandeur of an army that had just been given sweeping powers to conduct military operations against its own population. More than just a commemoration, the display at Arena México tacitly acknowledged a concerning sign of army encroachment into civilian life.
Four days earlier, Mexico had adopted its Ley de Seguridad Interior, or Internal Security Law, which amends the constitution to enable the executive branch to grant certain police responsibilities to Mexican armed forces-a response that has become increasingly normalized since the beginning of Mexico's Drug War in 2006. In 2017, Mexico registered the highest number of homicides since the drug war began. Rather than a panacea, however, the law stands to create new sources of terror for an already-terrorized population caught in the ongoing U.S.-backed drug war ravaging the region.

January 30, 2018

Exclusive, The Right to Protest: Women Retake the Streets in El Progreso, Yoro, Honduras

By Suyapa Portillo, Pitzer College
@SuyapaPV


Women and Jesuit Clergy, among them Father Melo of Radio Progreso, take over the road near Quebrada Seca bridge after a meaningful mass that called for an end to militarization and violence. Photo taken by: Suyapa Portillo


Women took over the road for a peaceful march in Quebrada Seca, El Progreso, Yoro, on November 25, 2018, National Day of the Honduran Woman. On this same road, just a day before, protesters experienced heavy repression.  People have been here almost daily protesting the fraudulent elections of November 26, 2017. They have been met with disproportionate force and violence from riot squads of the National Police, Military Police of Public Order and the Armed Forces, who have harmed, threatened, and shot real bullets at innocent people. One young man was taken out of his house without proper warrant and falsely accused of burning a police station and taking police gear. Unable to find the actual perpetrators of the alleged crime, police have framed him. Contrary to the fabricated story of the police, this young man’s only activity was his participation in peaceful street protests in opposition to electoral fraud. Another young woman was picked up at a protest by an unmarked civilian car. She was beaten, insulted and then thrown out of the car in the street down the road. Other protesters have been followed by National Police and Military Police agents after the demonstrations to their homes, beaten, and told they would be killed, as happened to the son and brother in law of former LIBRE congressperson Bartolo Fuentes on November 26, 2018. These intimidation tactics are infringing on local Progreseños right to peacefully protest the imposition on them of a repressive authoritarian government, which is starting to look more and more like a nascent dictatorship.
 
"Pare 1 minuto y proteste es su derecho Fuera JOH" Quebrada Seca, El Progreso, Yoro
Photo taken by: Suyapa Portillo



Since the elections of November 26, 2017, there has been no peace in Honduras.  The unrest is not that of hopeful, peaceful protesters who bring banners, flags and creative chants calling for the resignation of the fraudulent president, Juan Orlando Hernandez, but rather the violence of the Military Police and Armed forces who shoot to kill, invade homes and shoot tear gas canisters often affecting children and the elderly. Far from a true democracy, the government regime has sought to repress civilians’ right to peaceful protest, a protected value alongside freedom of speech and freedom of the press.

Quebrada Seca was heavily militarized on January 20, the first day of the Paro Nacional (National Stoppage) to oppose the illegitimate president’s swearing in ceremony, a national strike called by those who oppose the dictatorship—the Alliance Against the Dictatorship.  The exaggerated levels militarization that day dwarfed contingents of protesters and local citizens in El Progreso and the nearby Valley of Sula.  In this context, the taking of Quebrada Seca by young and elderly women on Honduran Women’s Day has special significance.

Women have had to fight for any political and labor rights they have in Honduras, including the right to vote. This is why many are unhappy their vote was stolen by Juan Orlando Hernandez. They are confident in their claims, even if ample proof of vote rigging and Nationalist Party intimidation tactics, doctoring of voting documents, and plain force and repression have not convinced the US State Department, nor the Organization of American States, to invoke the Inter-American Democratic Charter, demand due process in Honduras, call for annulment of the elections and a new electoral process, with full civil society participation as well as international observers.
 
Resident of Quebrada Seca shows International Observers real bullet casings shot at them the night before during protest. Photo by: Suyapa Portillo

November 25, 2018 marked 63 years since women in Honduras gained suffrage. Though they won the right to vote in 1955, they did not vote until the election of 1957, when President Ramon Villeda Morales was elected, the first Liberal President since the dictatorship of Carías Andino, and his hand-picked successors.  Since 1955, women in Honduras has been important social actors in every ambit of society, yet Honduras remains one of the most violent countries to be a woman.  The feminicide rate soars as does impunity, where apparently most of these cases remain in file cabinets. Now, with the current electoral coup (as many local women call the illegal re-election of Juan Orlando Hernandez), many Feminist groups consider their situation dire. Women are employed mostly in the informal economy, including maquiladoras, which are non-union and enforce no-pregnancy and negative HIV test to hire workers.
 
Military Police for Public Order, National Police and DPI Investigators stationed on both sides of street during peaceful protest. Photo by: Suyapa Portillo


Locals ascertain that they were not physically harmed on that day only because of the solidarity of international observers, a delegation of 50 North American clergy members, Jesuit priests, pastors, ministers and affinity groups accompanying local Jesuit Radio Progreso. On January 27, 2018, the inauguration of Juan Orlando Hernandez, took place with no international dignitaries present. Even more noteworthy, 5 rings of security, including National Police, Military Police and the Armed Forces, created a fortress around Juan Orlando Hernandez in the National Stadium, where he was installed as president of the people he was keeping at bay.  The event was underwhelming and overshadowed by protesters courageously taking the streets to express their discontent in the face of vicious military response against unarmed citizens.  While National TV and Radio stations were forced to play the ceremony live, over 80% of the population throughout the country protested, took over streets, and made their voice heard using creative protests tactics chants and posters that in invalidated the inauguration. Honduras’ future remains in the balance as the various social movements align in one concrete demand: #FueraJoh.

October 17, 2017

November 2017 Issue, Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking in Latin America


Issue Editor: Daniela Issa

Issue 217 | Volume 44 | Number 6 | November 2017
 


Modern slavery and human trafficking affect an estimated 1.8 million people in Latin America and the Caribbean today yet remain significantly understudied given their devastating human consequences. This issue addresses this gap in the slavery and trafficking scholarship by taking a critical look at it across the region and situating it within the transnational capitalist economy. Articles include theoretical analyses of the phenomenon as well as recruitment practices, populations susceptible to being enslaved/trafficking, and the role of violence. Additionally, it seeks to provide regional balance in the literature on slavery and trafficking in Latin America, which has disproportionately centered on Brazil; it highlights three underresearched areas—slavery outside Brazil, nonsexual slavery, and smugglers/traffickers rather than victims exclusively.

July 31, 2017

Abstract, Q’eqchi’ Mayas and the Myth of “Postconflict” Guatemala

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Q’eqchi’ Mayas and the Myth of “Postconflict” Guatemala
by Autumn Knowlton      

While Guatemala has commonly been referred to as a “postconflict” setting since the end of the armed conflict of 1960–1996, Guatemalans today experience a new violence that has been described as a symptom of the changes brought about by neoliberal reforms. Q’eqchi’ Mayas’ reports of violent evictions, murders, rapes, and threats of violence point to fissures in the government’s “postconflict” discourse. The state’s counterinsurgency violence has been transformed into a kind of state-supported violence in which government institutions act at the behest of agribusinesses and mining companies to evict Q’eqchi’ from their traditional territories. The resolution of land ownership disputes between communities, the state, and corporations is central to Q’eqchi’ political imaginaries.


July 27, 2017

Entrevista con el Dr. Nemer Narchi (Español)




El Dr. Nemer Narchi, un Coordinating Editor de LAP, discute el daño de la extracción y la violencia ambiental en las comunidades de América Latina y cómo podemos comenzar a reimaginar nuestra relación con el medio ambiente.





"Environmental Violence in Mexico"
Latin American Perspectives 
Issue 204 Vol. 42 #5 September 2015
Available here.





July 21, 2017

Political Report # 1262 Time for the International Left to Take a Stand on Venezuela

Venezuela is heading towards an increasingly dangerous situation, in which open civil war could become a real possibility. So far over 100 people have been killed as a result of street protests, most of these deaths are the fault of the protesters themselves (to the extent that we know the cause).
The possibility of civil war becomes more likely as long as the international media obscure who is responsible for the violence and the international left remains on the sidelines in this conflict and fails to show solidarity with the Bolivarian socialist movement in Venezuela.
If the international left receives its news about Venezuela primarily from the international media, it is understandable why it is being so quiet. After all, this mainstream media consistently fails to report who is instigating the violence in this conflict.
For example, a follower of CNN or the New York Times would not know that of the 103 who have been killed as a result of street protests, 27 were the direct or indirect result of the protesters themselves. Another 14 were the result of lootings; in one prominent case, because looters set fire to a store and ended up getting engulfed in the flames themselves. Fourteen deaths are attributable to the actions of state authorities (where in almost all cases those responsible have been charged), and 44 are still under investigation or in dispute. This is according to data from the office of the Attorney General, which itself has recently become pro-opposition.
Also unknown to most consumers of the international media would be that opposition protesters detonated a bomb in the heart of Caracas on July 11, wounding seven National Guard soldiers or that a building belonging to the Supreme Court was burnt by opposition protesters on June 12th or that opposition protesters attacked a maternity hospital on May 17.

July 14, 2017

Political Report # 1259 Honduran Melon Workers Push for Union Rights

 
 By John Wash, LaborNotes


"Those melons are contaminated by exploitation." That's what one melon worker in Choluteca, Honduras, told me she would say to a US consumer thinking about buying the fruit grown, harvested, and distributed under the control of the multinational Sumitomo and marketed under the brands Fyffes and Sol.
"They don't use that money to pay us well," she said. "What happens is they wind up with their pockets full, and we wind up with our bellies empty."
Seeking to improve their wages and working conditions, melon workers in the politically marginalized southwestern corner of Honduras are fighting to win recognition and a contract for their young union, a local of the Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Agroindustria y Similares (STAS, the Union of Agricultural and Related Workers).
The vast majority of the four to five thousand melon workers in Choluteca are women paid less than the country's official monthly minimum for agricultural workers: 6,848 lempiras ($292.15).
While the workers do get paid the daily minimum wage, 228 lempiras ($9.73), the boss, by limiting their number of days of work per week to maybe four, can get away with paying only about half the monthly figure. It's another example of how "flexibility" for management can translate into poverty for labor, especially in an area such as southern Honduras where employment opportunities are limited.
Melons Are Big Business
It's not that the melon sector is small. In 2016 Honduras exported some 268 million kilos (295,419 tons) of cantaloupes, honeydew, watermelons, and other melons with a value of $53.3 million, according to the statistics of the Central Bank of Honduras. Melons are the country's fourth-largest export, after coffee, electronics, and fish.

June 14, 2017

Political Report # 1253 Brazil Assaults Indigenous Rights, Environment, Social Movements


"The first five months of 2017 have been the most violent this century," Cândido Neto da Cunha, a specialist in agrarian affairs at the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) in Santarém, Brazil, told Mongabay. According to the Catholic Church's Pastoral Land Commission (CPT), which has been compiling statistics on rural violence since 1985, 36 people have already been assassinated in rural conflicts this year.
The latest violence came on 24 May when nine men and a woman were killed in what seems to have been a deliberate massacre on the Santa Lúcia estate in the rural district of Pau D'Arco located 860 kilometers (535 miles) south of Belém, the capital of the state of Pará.
For many years, landless families had lobbied for the creation of a land reform settlement on this estate, saying that the man claiming to own the land, now deceased, was a land thief. His widow agreed to hand over the property, but had second thoughts when INCRA officials, who cannot pay above the market price, refused to pay her what she asked.
In the meantime, landless families had occupied the area and a security guard, working for the ranch, was killed on 30 April. A posse of military and civil police went in to evict the families and to investigate the death. The families say the police arrived shooting. This version is disputed by the police, who claim that the peasant families shot at them first. However, no police officer was killed or wounded.

May 3, 2017

Political Report # 1248 How Unaccompanied Youth Become Exploited Workers in the US


The Trump administration has released a series of executive orders targeting immigration at the U.S. southern border. Central American families and children traveling alone represent nearly half of all unauthorized migrants apprehended by Customs and Border Protection. The criminalization of immigrants at the U.S. southern border disproportionately affects Central American children and youth.
Nearly 153,000 unaccompanied Mexican and Central American children have been apprehended at the U.S. southern border since 2014. Of those detained by Customs and Border Protection and processed by the Office of Refugee Resettlement, 60 percent have been reunited with a sponsor, typically a parent. The other 40 percent are placed with a nonparent sponsor.
With the guidance of a parent or guardian, these youths might obtain financial, legal, health and social support. Others who enter without detection and remain unaccompanied when they arrive in the U.S. are financially independent and may never gain access to formal resettlement services. Recent orders by the Trump administration that prioritize unaccompanied child migrants for deportation heighten the vulnerability of immigrant children in the U.S.
Since 2012, I have conducted in-depth observations and interviews with undocumented immigrant youth who arrived in Los Angeles, California as unaccompanied minors and have remained without a parent throughout their settlement in the U.S. I use pseudonyms for confidentiality as research participants are migrant youth living and working in the U.S. without authorization.