Showing posts with label Women. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Women. Show all posts

November 12, 2020

Abstract: Female Bodies and Globalization: The Work of Indigenous Women Weavers in Zinacantán

 

:::::: Abstract ::::::












Female Bodies and Globalization: The Work of Indigenous Women Weavers in Zinacantán
 

by  Eugenia Bayona Escat


Women producers and sellers of textile crafts in Zinacantán, Chiapas, Mexico, use one of the few resources they have to enter business: craft production as informal, invisible, and underpaid work. Taking the body as the axis of analysis, three distinct areas of transformation of indigenous women producers by tourism may be identified: the private and domestic body of craftswomen, the social and public body as an icon of ethnic difference, and the commodified body as an extension of the touristic object. The analysis shows that tourism and participation in the international market strengthen gender, class, and ethnic differences and contribute to the perpetuation of existing inequalities.


November 12, 2019

Political Report # 1426 'They burned everything': Guatemalan women press Hudbay on human rights claims in closely watched case






Political Report # 1426


'They burned everything': Guatemalan women press Hudbay on human rights claims in closely watched case

Their lawsuit, originally filed in 2011, ties into a trend of increasing scrutiny of Canadian mining and exploration companies’ overseas activity

Two indigenous Guatemalan women stood quietly in front of a Toronto courthouse on Tuesday morning, surrounded by a scrum that included a filmmaking crew, lawyers, media and a gaggle of other people.

On a crowded city street during rush hour, the women drew little notice from passersby but their case is being closely followed by the mining sector and beyond.

Both women, Irma Yolanda Choc Cac and Angelica Choc, had travelled from a remote part of eastern Guatemala, to continue pressing legal claims that Hudbay Minerals Inc., one of Canada’s oldest mining companies, bears liability for rape, violence and other human rights abuses that took place more than a decade ago when their village was razed to make way for the Fenix nickel mine.

Their lawsuit, originally filed in 2011, ties into a trend of increasing scrutiny of Canadian mining and exploration companies’ overseas activity. In its wake, other plaintiffs sued at least two other mining companies under the same novel legal theory, which accuses the mining companies of negligence.

“I’m assuming any chance of resolving anything between these parties has long since left the building,” the presiding case management master, Michael McGraw, who functions like a judge, said near the start of the hearing on Tuesday.

In a courtroom packed with journalists and supporters of the women, the lawyers had planned to argue about whether the plaintiffs could amend their complaint against Hudbay to include new details about the alleged human rights abuses.

But that never happened and instead, the parties pushed the hearing back until November while they discuss a compromise.

The suit claims security personnel for Skye Resources — which Hudbay bought in 2008 for US$451 million to acquire the Fenix mine project — worked with Guatemalan military and police to clear the land and raze the Mayan Q’echi community of Lote Ocho for the mining project.

Several of the plaintiffs in the case, including one present Monday, in documents filed in the case, describe the trauma — being tied, beaten and gang-raped in front of their children — in excruciating detail while under examination by Hudbay’s lawyers at Fasken, Tracy Pratt and Robert Harrison.

“It was these men just like this that raped me when I was three months’ pregnant,” one of the plaintiffs said, adding, “And it’s men just like this that are the ones that burned my house, and they burned my clothing and they burned everything I had in my house.”
The other plaintiff claims the head of mining security killed her husband for protesting against the mining company.

The plaintiffs’ lawyers say they have gained new details from documents and emails that Hudbay produced during the litigation to substantiate the alleged human rights abuses. Already, they have filed documents in court that contain new details related to payments Skye made to military and police, and to the arrangements between Skye’s security force and local police and military.

At the hearing, lawyers for Hudbay said they would consider agreeing to allow the plaintiffs amended complaint, although they may file a new motion challenging whether Ontario is the proper jurisdiction to hear the claims. They had filed a motion to move the case to Guatemala earlier in the case, but Hudbay withdraw it before a ruling was ever handed down.

Meanwhile, in a separate case using the same legal theory filed against Tahoe Resources, a B.C. judge ruled that the negligence case could be heard in Canada. Earlier this year, Pan American Resources Inc., which purchased Tahoe, publicly apologized to the plaintiffs and reached a confidential settlement.

There remains one other suit that uses the same theory, against Nevsun Resources Inc., which was purchased by a Chinese company in 2018, accusing it of using forced labour and of committing other human rights abuses on a mining project in Eritrea.

A representative for Hudbay, who was present in the courtroom, referred questions to the company’s lawyers, who declined to comment.

Hudbay sold its interest in the Fenix mine for US$170 million in 2011, shortly after the lawsuit was filed. It retained liability, however, and continues to fight the case.





Original article can be found (here).
URL:      Click here for article

October 24, 2019

Political Report # 1420 Chile's stolen children: 'I was tricked into handing over my baby'













Political Report # 1420





Chile's stolen children: 'I was tricked into handing over my baby'

Thousands of Chilean children were stolen from their mothers during the military rule of Gen Augusto Pinochet and sent abroad for adoption. A government investigation is looking into how the babies were taken.

Sara Jineo is still extremely upset about what happened when she took her four-day-old baby boy, Camilo, to the hospital in Temuco, southern Chile, in 1988.

"They tricked me," she says. "They made me go to the hospital and said they were going to do a blood test on my baby."

But the woman who took Camilo out of her arms never brought him back. "I looked all over the hospital and when I went outside and asked a policeman for help, he looked at me, laughed, and said I was mad," she says.

Sara, who still lives outside Temuco, has been looking for her son for the last 30 years. She is convinced he was taken abroad. She says a local taxi driver told her about a woman taking a crying baby to the local airport on the same day Camilo disappeared. The child was apparently wrapped in the same distinctive baby blanket she had used.

Her situation is not unique. Sara is part of a generation of mothers and children trying to find each other after being involuntarily separated during Gen Augusto Pinochet's military rule from 1973 to 1990.

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Many of the mothers, including Sara, were Mapuche, the largest indigenous community in Chile.

Making up around 7.5% of the 17 million population, they often live in poverty in rural areas in the south and say they are treated like second-class citizens, deprived of their land and culture.

Though illegal adoptions did not start during the Pinochet years - and many were also going on in neighbouring Argentina - they were ramped up under his rule, and with a specific aim.

The Pinochet government wanted to eliminate extreme poverty, particularly among children. The strategy was to simply take children out of the country, according to Jeanette Velásquez, who works for volunteer group Hijos y Madres del Silencio (Children and Mothers of Silence).

She says social workers, nuns, doctors, lawyers and international adoption agencies were all involved in a slick operation, which sent babies to developed countries, including Holland, the United States, Sweden and Germany.

"Some women tell me horrific stories about how they were breast-feeding their baby when it was pulled from their arms. There was a lot of violence," she says.

In other cases, the pressure was more psychological. Social workers would tell mothers they were too poor to keep the child, or that they had too many other children already to cope with another.

Vulnerable mothers, mainly single mothers, were specifically targeted.

Some women were forced to sign paperwork they did not understand. Some were even told their children had died.

What happened?
- Some 20,000 children were adopted by foreign couples during the Pinochet era
- Chile's Court of Appeals says at least 8,000 of those are suspicious cases
- Some activists believe that number is much higher
- Almost 200 mothers have been reunited with their children

Alejandro Quezada's mother was one of those women. She was just 14 and a single mother, from a rural area outside of Valdivia, in the country's south.

Shortly after giving birth at home, she took her baby son for a check-up at the local hospital. There, he was whisked away from her, with staff insisting he was ill. She was later told he had died and his body had already been disposed of.

"When she started screaming, they gave her an injection and she didn't wake up for three days," says Alejandro.

Women like Alejandro's birth mother were never given death certificates or allowed to see the body of their child. They were told it would upset them and the climate of fear during the Pinochet era stopped them from asking further questions.

Alejandro only started piecing the story together much later in life. In 1979, when he was just a few weeks old, he was sent to The Netherlands.

He says he was adopted by a Dutch couple who considered themselves part of the Flower Power generation and wanted to help poorer countries. They were told his mother had voluntarily given him up for adoption.

"During my teenage years, I had so many questions about my identity," says Alejandro. "Even though I love and appreciate my adoptive parents, I felt depressed and alone and went off the rails."

In 1997, when he was 17 years old, he travelled to Chile with his adoptive family to meet the Dutch nun who had arranged his adoption. She took Alejandro to meet his birth mother.

He immediately noted their physical resemblance, but it was not an easy encounter. "I had so many questions for her and it was very frustrating, because we couldn't understand each other and the nun wouldn't let us see each other for very long," he says.

Alejandro, who had grown up speaking Dutch, decided he needed to learn Spanish so he and his birth mother could talk to each other without a translator.

It was not until he was 30 and living in Chile that he finally learned the truth: his mother had never wanted to give him up but had been told he was dead.

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Courtesy of Alejandro Quezada
It took years for Alejandro to learn that his mother had not wanted to give him up for adoption

The nun who arranged the adoption and used to shuttle back and forth between the two countries is now living in The Netherlands.

She has spoken publicly about the adoptions she was involved in and has insisted that she did the right thing. She said she believed that she created better lives for Alejandro and the various other children given in adoption.

Alejandro's experiences led him to found a charity, Chilean Adoptees Worldwide, which helps other adoptees find their mothers.

The search is often arduous. The adoption documents rarely list the full names of both parents. Sometimes names and identity numbers were deliberately changed.

Alejandro has found the registry office in the capital, Santiago, to be a good source of information, as original handwritten birth certificates sometimes hold clues.

A government investigation started in 2018 as mothers demanded answers about why their children were taken from them against their will.

A growing number of people who were taken as children from their biological mothers also started discovering the truth behind their adoptions.

Because of the growing number of complaints a special police unit was formed last March, which is working with mothers in regions where many of the children were thought to have been taken.

A DNA test has become the final piece in the puzzle. The government and charities helping the mothers want them to do the test so their DNA forms part of a central data bank managed by the government that will help adoptees find matches.

But the women are expected to pick up the costs themselves and each kit costs around $100 (£83) - which is around half a month's salary for the majority of them.

Jaime Balmaceda, a judge at the Court of Appeals, is involved in the government investigation. He is in charge of working out which of the adoptions were legitimate and which were not.

His theory is that money was changing hands and that is what he is trying to prove.

Not everyone is convinced the investigators are digging deep enough. Critics think that the Chilean state is trying to shield the judges, social workers, nuns and others involved in getting the children out of the country from prosecution.

Those who want to see justice done say the advanced age and poor health of some of those suspected of involvement in the forced adoption scheme should not be a barrier to prosecution.

Mr Balmaceda says delays in the investigation are not deliberate but that the process is long and often hampered by missing paperwork. "We are not trying to protect anyone, or waiting for people to die so they can't be brought to justice," he insists.

For Alejandro, jail-time for those behind his forced adoption has never been the goal.

The nun who arranged for him to be sent to The Netherlands recently visited Chile and faced questioning as part of the government investigation. But Alejandro says he does not want her to go to prison as she is in her 80s now.

"We've been treated inhumanely, but that doesn't mean that we should treat other people like that." Making sure something like this never happens again is more important to him.


"If you want to adopt because you want to help, that is one of the most noble things in the world," he says. "But you need to make sure you have all the information, because children will have questions about their biological roots and you need to make sure that you know the answers."



Original article can be found (here).
URL:      https://theintercept.com/2019/09/24/puerto-rico-austerity-congress/

October 22, 2019

Political Report # 1419 'Based in hatred': violence against women standing in Colombia's elections













Political Report # 1419





'Based in hatred': violence against women standing in Colombia's elections
Killing of Karina García reflects targeting of female contenders, amid mounting security concerns.

The body of mayoral candidate Karina García was found shot and incinerated in her car in the Cauca department of southern Colombia, on 1 September.

For weeks, García had reported receiving threats and asked the government for increased protection during campaigning for the local and departmental elections at the end of the month.

Since the political race officially began, seven candidates have been murdered around the country.

These elections will be the first to take place since the historic signing of a peace accord between the Farc rebels and the Colombian government in 2016, ending more than 50 years of war.

The assassinations, attacks and threats against candidates take place amid concerns about increasing violence in Colombia. Some analysts attribute the killings to armed groups looking to gain territorial authority and the control of the illegal drugs trade. Those candidates who support the implementation of the peace process, including the eradication or substitution of coca crops, risk becoming targets.

Amid the rising tide of violence, national women’s organisations are voicing concerns that attacks on female political candidates are shaped by gender dynamics.

Carolina Mosquera, researcher at feminist organisation Sisma Mujer, said women are being targeted both for running as candidates, and for disturbing the patriarchal order. “Male candidates are being attacked, but not for gendered reasons – not because they are men.”

Irina Cuesta, a researcher at thinktank Fundación Ideas para la Paz, told the Guardian: “Our research has found that when women leaders are attacked, it’s through threats to their family members, sexual violence, and generalised warnings against the work they do. The contents of the threats are openly sexist and question [women’s] political processes more generally.”

She describes a wave of femicides that took place in Puerto Asís, Putumayo, earlier this year. Among victims were women who planned to register as candidates in the coming elections.

“There is a political message behind these aggressions against women leaders and candidates, particularly in the territories where stereotypes and tolerance to gender-based violence are useful tools for illegal armed actors.”

María Emilsen Angulo is running to be the mayor of Tumaco, a port town on Colombia’s Pacific coast notorious for violence, drug-smuggling and the presence of armed groups.

In May, Angulo was approached by a group of armed men who told her to end her political campaign.

“I was worried, because I know how things work around here, but I continued cautiously. The second time they came to me, it was much more vulgar, crueller,” she says, in her campaign office in the centre of Tumaco.

“They threatened me and told me that they know where my daughter is, where my husband is, that they know where we travel and how we move, and if something happened, it would be my fault.”

She and her team decided to pull out of the running, but later surprised the community by officially registering again.

“Women need to keep advancing to get access to the spaces that we still can’t reach. There should be an equality when it comes to governing this country, there should be more women counsellors, representatives, governors, mayors.”

She has hired private security, but remains fearful.

“When you launch a political campaign, you put your life at risk, your family at risk,” she says.

“I feel that there are no guarantees for my safety. I want to do my job, but there are stronger interests out there.”

Ten years ago, Laura Montoya nearly died after being attacked by a paramilitary group while in the office of her radio station. A journalist and activist for many years, she is now running for a seat in the departmental assembly of Putumayo, a southern province bordering Ecuador and Peru.

In 2018, Montoya received a death threat via an anonymous phone call, and earlier this year her name appeared on a menacing pamphlet signed by a paramilitary group. Despite ongoing fears for her safety, she decided to launch a political campaign.

“Women are gaining ground, but we still have further to go, and this has to begin from above, with policies that can represent real changes,” she says.

“There is a gendered issue here. There is a deep-rooted machismo. I work alongside men who are involved in the same activism and they haven’t received the threats that I have.”
Her department, Putumayo, continues to be one of the top coca-growing parts of the country, and armed groups are once again trying to gain control of the illicit trade.

When it comes to women running for office in this context, Montoya is clear: “Women have become more empowered, but [participation] is still lacking because of the fear, the lack of guarantees for their security.”

According to 2011 law, each party’s electoral list must include 30% women. Despite this, only 12% of all mayors in the country are women.

Ana Güezmes García, the Representative for UN Women in Colombia, said “one of the biggest challenges is women’s participation at the local level”.

“To consolidate the peace process, we need to invest in women … and create a culture of security for them,” she added.

“Gendered violence is based in hatred. The level of murders and extreme violence we have seen in Colombia is very worrying and requires a strengthened response from all of the institutions. It’s the community leaders who face the biggest risks of threats and violence, which is why it’s extremely important that what we saw happen in Cauca mobilises everyone to respond, investigate and sanction what happened.”

During her campaign, Karina García’s political slogan was: “One woman, one hope”.


“She wanted to bring a new sort of leadership to Suárez [her municipality],” says Mosquera, “but when so few women are willing to risk entering electoral politics and then they see events like this, the message becomes extremely clear: don’t participate or this could happen to you too.”



Original article can be found (here).
URL:      https://theintercept.com/2019/09/24/puerto-rico-austerity-congress/

April 16, 2019

Abstract, Black Women’s Struggles against Extractivism, Land Dispossession, and Marginalization in Colombia

:::::: Abstract ::::::



Black Women’s Struggles against Extractivism, Land Dispossession, and Marginalization in Colombia


by Castriela Esther Hernández Reyes


The neocolonial turn toward extractivism intensifies the use of violence while fostering land dispossession, racism, and militarization of social life. Afro-Colombian women resist this process by using their subjectivities politically, strategically, discursively, and textually. An examination through the lens of black/decolonial feminism of the first national Mobilization for the Care of Life and Ancestral Territories, led by 40 black women from the Department of Cauca in 2014, shows that black women’s emotions and collective affections were driving forces that exhibited both their exclusions and their resistance. These feelings may be seen as catalysts through which their lived experiences are expressed and performed in the material world. Examination of this event suggests that a more radical analysis of black women’s historicity, subjectivities, and struggles is needed to better capture and understand experience-based epistemologies that challenge hegemonic forms of knowledge production.




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December 10, 2018

Political Report # 1386 Women-Led Radio Station Amplifies Voices of Indigenous Communities in Argentina





By Daniel Gutman
Toward Freedom
(IPS) - The seed was planted more than 20 years ago by a group of indigenous women who began to gather to try to recover memories from their people. Today, women are also the main protagonists of La Voz Indígena (The Indigenous Voice), a unique radio station in northern Argentina that broadcasts every day in seven languages.
“At first the leaders asked us why we didn’t stay at home, taking care of the children and grandchildren. Today these men come to take refuge under the roof of these women,” Felisa Mendoza, a Guaraní woman, told IPS in one of the radio station’s large, colorful rooms, decorated with murals painted by indigenous artists.
The two-story building is just a few meters from the bus terminal in Tartagal, a city of some 80,000 inhabitants in the province of Salta, just 50 kilometers from the Bolivian border.
On the western edge of the Gran Chaco lowland plain, at the foothills of the mountain ranges that announce that the Andes are not far away, Tartagal was founded less than 100 years ago in a hot land, both in terms of climate and social situation.
The discovery of oil and gas deposits marked the boom and decline of this city and the neighboring city of General Mosconi, whose names are associated in Argentina with the violent social conflict of the 1990s, triggered by massive layoffs at the national oil company YPF, as part of the neoliberal policies of then president Carlos Menem (1989-1999).
Seven indigenous peoples live in this area: Guaraní, Wichí, Chané, Toba, Chulupi, Tapiete and Chorote. While for decades indigenous peoples were displaced from their territories by oil, forestry, cattle ranching and urban expansion, in the last 20 years the trigger has been the expansion of the agricultural frontier.
The daily struggle for land is reflected by the T-shirt worn by Aída Valdez, a member of the women’s commission that runs the station, which reads: “No to the evictions of indigenous communities.”

July 13, 2018

Political Report # 1356 Occupying against the patriarchy

Female students in Chile have had enough and have occupied their universities. Giulia Dessi reports on the unprecedented wave of feminist civil disobedience sweeping the country
The classroom floor is covered with duvets and mattresses. Ten women students from the Metropolitan University of Technology in Santiago are waking up, and begin to prepare for another day of debates, workshops and meetings. Outside, hanging chairs protrude through the university gates and a banner says toma feminista, feminist occupation.
Dozens of university faculties and high schools across Chile are in occupation or on strike, demanding an end to the abusive patriarchal culture inside Chilean classrooms. Tens of thousands of students are taking part, and two months on from the first occupation, the movement is persisting.
Chile has a long history of student protests, normally mobilizing against the privatized education system put in place by the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. What's happening today emerges from that experience, but with feminism at its core.
It started at the Universidad Austral in Valdivia, in southern Chile. On 17 April 2018, a group of students occupied the building of Philosophy and Humanities as a reaction to a mismanaged disciplinary case against a professor found guilty of sexual harassment. The Faculty of Law of Universidad de Chile in Santiago came next, ten days later, igniting the movement in one of the country's most prestigious institutions.
The last straw was a case of sexual harassment involving Professor Carlos Carmona, former president of the Constitutional Court. It took the university eight months to process the case, at the end of which Carmona was suspended for three months for 'lack of integrity'. The outcome prompted an emergency student assembly that decided to occupy the Law Faculty building. In a matter of days, dozens of faculties and schools across the country followed.

May 11, 2018

Political Report # 1335 Zapatista Women Inspire the Fight Against Patriarchy



By Shirin Hess, Waging Nonviolence

Dawn had only just broken over the mountains. While most of the women and children on the camping grounds were still asleep, others were already wide awake, huddling together in the first rays of sunlight and drinking coffee.
To a casual observer, this place might have seemed similar to any mainstream festival campsite. A distinguishing factor, however, was that there wasn't a single man in sight. The sign on the main entrance left no one in doubt that only women and children were welcome at this event: "Men not permitted to enter."
Women's participation in Mexico's 25-year-old Zapatista National Liberation Army, or EZLN movement, has represented an incredible organizational achievement since its original uprising in 1994. On International Women's Day, the female militants of the EZLN did not fail to meet expectations when welcoming 7,000 people to the "First International Political, Artistic, Sports, and Cultural Encounter for Women who Struggle."
Two thousand indigenous Zapatista women from various parts of Chiapas state and 5,000 visitors from all over the world came to Caracol Morelia, near the northeastern town of Altamirano, to hear what they had to say.

February 9, 2018

Abstract, Women’s Small-Scale, Home-Based Informal Employment during Cuba’s Special Period

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Women’s Small-Scale, Home-Based Informal Employment during Cuba’s Special Period
by Daliany Jerónimo Kersh


There is consensus in the literature that adherence to the traditional division of labor in Cuban society caused women to be disproportionately affected by the cutbacks to state services and shortages during the post-Soviet economic crisis known as the Special Period. After the devaluation of the state wage, many Cubans had to look for alternative forms of employment. Highly skilled professional Cuban women turned to feminized informal activities that made them similar to women in capitalist countries in the region and amounted to a partial reversal of the revolution’s substantial progress on gender equality. In contrast to the regulated self-employment on which existing studies focus, women’s informal labor up until 2010 was often small-scale, home-based, and unregulated. An analysis of oral histories and press archives identifies changes and continuities in women’s informal work during the crisis and shows where the interviewees locate themselves within this watershed in the Cuban Revolution.

January 30, 2018

Exclusive, The Right to Protest: Women Retake the Streets in El Progreso, Yoro, Honduras

By Suyapa Portillo, Pitzer College
@SuyapaPV


Women and Jesuit Clergy, among them Father Melo of Radio Progreso, take over the road near Quebrada Seca bridge after a meaningful mass that called for an end to militarization and violence. Photo taken by: Suyapa Portillo


Women took over the road for a peaceful march in Quebrada Seca, El Progreso, Yoro, on November 25, 2018, National Day of the Honduran Woman. On this same road, just a day before, protesters experienced heavy repression.  People have been here almost daily protesting the fraudulent elections of November 26, 2017. They have been met with disproportionate force and violence from riot squads of the National Police, Military Police of Public Order and the Armed Forces, who have harmed, threatened, and shot real bullets at innocent people. One young man was taken out of his house without proper warrant and falsely accused of burning a police station and taking police gear. Unable to find the actual perpetrators of the alleged crime, police have framed him. Contrary to the fabricated story of the police, this young man’s only activity was his participation in peaceful street protests in opposition to electoral fraud. Another young woman was picked up at a protest by an unmarked civilian car. She was beaten, insulted and then thrown out of the car in the street down the road. Other protesters have been followed by National Police and Military Police agents after the demonstrations to their homes, beaten, and told they would be killed, as happened to the son and brother in law of former LIBRE congressperson Bartolo Fuentes on November 26, 2018. These intimidation tactics are infringing on local Progreseños right to peacefully protest the imposition on them of a repressive authoritarian government, which is starting to look more and more like a nascent dictatorship.
 
"Pare 1 minuto y proteste es su derecho Fuera JOH" Quebrada Seca, El Progreso, Yoro
Photo taken by: Suyapa Portillo



Since the elections of November 26, 2017, there has been no peace in Honduras.  The unrest is not that of hopeful, peaceful protesters who bring banners, flags and creative chants calling for the resignation of the fraudulent president, Juan Orlando Hernandez, but rather the violence of the Military Police and Armed forces who shoot to kill, invade homes and shoot tear gas canisters often affecting children and the elderly. Far from a true democracy, the government regime has sought to repress civilians’ right to peaceful protest, a protected value alongside freedom of speech and freedom of the press.

Quebrada Seca was heavily militarized on January 20, the first day of the Paro Nacional (National Stoppage) to oppose the illegitimate president’s swearing in ceremony, a national strike called by those who oppose the dictatorship—the Alliance Against the Dictatorship.  The exaggerated levels militarization that day dwarfed contingents of protesters and local citizens in El Progreso and the nearby Valley of Sula.  In this context, the taking of Quebrada Seca by young and elderly women on Honduran Women’s Day has special significance.

Women have had to fight for any political and labor rights they have in Honduras, including the right to vote. This is why many are unhappy their vote was stolen by Juan Orlando Hernandez. They are confident in their claims, even if ample proof of vote rigging and Nationalist Party intimidation tactics, doctoring of voting documents, and plain force and repression have not convinced the US State Department, nor the Organization of American States, to invoke the Inter-American Democratic Charter, demand due process in Honduras, call for annulment of the elections and a new electoral process, with full civil society participation as well as international observers.
 
Resident of Quebrada Seca shows International Observers real bullet casings shot at them the night before during protest. Photo by: Suyapa Portillo

November 25, 2018 marked 63 years since women in Honduras gained suffrage. Though they won the right to vote in 1955, they did not vote until the election of 1957, when President Ramon Villeda Morales was elected, the first Liberal President since the dictatorship of Carías Andino, and his hand-picked successors.  Since 1955, women in Honduras has been important social actors in every ambit of society, yet Honduras remains one of the most violent countries to be a woman.  The feminicide rate soars as does impunity, where apparently most of these cases remain in file cabinets. Now, with the current electoral coup (as many local women call the illegal re-election of Juan Orlando Hernandez), many Feminist groups consider their situation dire. Women are employed mostly in the informal economy, including maquiladoras, which are non-union and enforce no-pregnancy and negative HIV test to hire workers.
 
Military Police for Public Order, National Police and DPI Investigators stationed on both sides of street during peaceful protest. Photo by: Suyapa Portillo


Locals ascertain that they were not physically harmed on that day only because of the solidarity of international observers, a delegation of 50 North American clergy members, Jesuit priests, pastors, ministers and affinity groups accompanying local Jesuit Radio Progreso. On January 27, 2018, the inauguration of Juan Orlando Hernandez, took place with no international dignitaries present. Even more noteworthy, 5 rings of security, including National Police, Military Police and the Armed Forces, created a fortress around Juan Orlando Hernandez in the National Stadium, where he was installed as president of the people he was keeping at bay.  The event was underwhelming and overshadowed by protesters courageously taking the streets to express their discontent in the face of vicious military response against unarmed citizens.  While National TV and Radio stations were forced to play the ceremony live, over 80% of the population throughout the country protested, took over streets, and made their voice heard using creative protests tactics chants and posters that in invalidated the inauguration. Honduras’ future remains in the balance as the various social movements align in one concrete demand: #FueraJoh.