Showing posts with label Dictatorship. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dictatorship. Show all posts

June 29, 2020

Abstract, The Uses of Culture in the Last Argentine Dictatorship (1976–1983): From Studies of Repression to Analyses of the Construction of Consensus

:::::: Abstract ::::::



The Uses of Culture in the Last Argentine Dictatorship (1976–1983): From Studies of Repression to Analyses of the Construction of Consensus 

by Laura Schenquer

Democratic governments are not the only ones that formulate political strategies to generate consensus. The last Argentine dictatorship (1976–1983) also developed cultural, educational, and communication policies to maintain and increase its support and to curb the opposition. However, these policies have not been studied in the postdictatorship, largely because of the prevalence of the image of the apagón cultural (cultural blackout)—the notion that the dictatorship’s project was simply repression and censorship. Examination of recently discovered official documents reveals the productive and creative character of the dictatorship’s cultural projects, which were used to increase social control and impose a certain “order.”




October 24, 2019

Political Report # 1420 Chile's stolen children: 'I was tricked into handing over my baby'













Political Report # 1420





Chile's stolen children: 'I was tricked into handing over my baby'

Thousands of Chilean children were stolen from their mothers during the military rule of Gen Augusto Pinochet and sent abroad for adoption. A government investigation is looking into how the babies were taken.

Sara Jineo is still extremely upset about what happened when she took her four-day-old baby boy, Camilo, to the hospital in Temuco, southern Chile, in 1988.

"They tricked me," she says. "They made me go to the hospital and said they were going to do a blood test on my baby."

But the woman who took Camilo out of her arms never brought him back. "I looked all over the hospital and when I went outside and asked a policeman for help, he looked at me, laughed, and said I was mad," she says.

Sara, who still lives outside Temuco, has been looking for her son for the last 30 years. She is convinced he was taken abroad. She says a local taxi driver told her about a woman taking a crying baby to the local airport on the same day Camilo disappeared. The child was apparently wrapped in the same distinctive baby blanket she had used.

Her situation is not unique. Sara is part of a generation of mothers and children trying to find each other after being involuntarily separated during Gen Augusto Pinochet's military rule from 1973 to 1990.

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Many of the mothers, including Sara, were Mapuche, the largest indigenous community in Chile.

Making up around 7.5% of the 17 million population, they often live in poverty in rural areas in the south and say they are treated like second-class citizens, deprived of their land and culture.

Though illegal adoptions did not start during the Pinochet years - and many were also going on in neighbouring Argentina - they were ramped up under his rule, and with a specific aim.

The Pinochet government wanted to eliminate extreme poverty, particularly among children. The strategy was to simply take children out of the country, according to Jeanette Velásquez, who works for volunteer group Hijos y Madres del Silencio (Children and Mothers of Silence).

She says social workers, nuns, doctors, lawyers and international adoption agencies were all involved in a slick operation, which sent babies to developed countries, including Holland, the United States, Sweden and Germany.

"Some women tell me horrific stories about how they were breast-feeding their baby when it was pulled from their arms. There was a lot of violence," she says.

In other cases, the pressure was more psychological. Social workers would tell mothers they were too poor to keep the child, or that they had too many other children already to cope with another.

Vulnerable mothers, mainly single mothers, were specifically targeted.

Some women were forced to sign paperwork they did not understand. Some were even told their children had died.

What happened?
- Some 20,000 children were adopted by foreign couples during the Pinochet era
- Chile's Court of Appeals says at least 8,000 of those are suspicious cases
- Some activists believe that number is much higher
- Almost 200 mothers have been reunited with their children

Alejandro Quezada's mother was one of those women. She was just 14 and a single mother, from a rural area outside of Valdivia, in the country's south.

Shortly after giving birth at home, she took her baby son for a check-up at the local hospital. There, he was whisked away from her, with staff insisting he was ill. She was later told he had died and his body had already been disposed of.

"When she started screaming, they gave her an injection and she didn't wake up for three days," says Alejandro.

Women like Alejandro's birth mother were never given death certificates or allowed to see the body of their child. They were told it would upset them and the climate of fear during the Pinochet era stopped them from asking further questions.

Alejandro only started piecing the story together much later in life. In 1979, when he was just a few weeks old, he was sent to The Netherlands.

He says he was adopted by a Dutch couple who considered themselves part of the Flower Power generation and wanted to help poorer countries. They were told his mother had voluntarily given him up for adoption.

"During my teenage years, I had so many questions about my identity," says Alejandro. "Even though I love and appreciate my adoptive parents, I felt depressed and alone and went off the rails."

In 1997, when he was 17 years old, he travelled to Chile with his adoptive family to meet the Dutch nun who had arranged his adoption. She took Alejandro to meet his birth mother.

He immediately noted their physical resemblance, but it was not an easy encounter. "I had so many questions for her and it was very frustrating, because we couldn't understand each other and the nun wouldn't let us see each other for very long," he says.

Alejandro, who had grown up speaking Dutch, decided he needed to learn Spanish so he and his birth mother could talk to each other without a translator.

It was not until he was 30 and living in Chile that he finally learned the truth: his mother had never wanted to give him up but had been told he was dead.

Description: Macintosh_HD:private:var:folders:lb:x9pjdfm52jq9vpv3pt__9glm0000gn:T:TemporaryItems:_108194234_d16b4d0c-1c13-46fa-8658-966a0eaa0468.jpg
Courtesy of Alejandro Quezada
It took years for Alejandro to learn that his mother had not wanted to give him up for adoption

The nun who arranged the adoption and used to shuttle back and forth between the two countries is now living in The Netherlands.

She has spoken publicly about the adoptions she was involved in and has insisted that she did the right thing. She said she believed that she created better lives for Alejandro and the various other children given in adoption.

Alejandro's experiences led him to found a charity, Chilean Adoptees Worldwide, which helps other adoptees find their mothers.

The search is often arduous. The adoption documents rarely list the full names of both parents. Sometimes names and identity numbers were deliberately changed.

Alejandro has found the registry office in the capital, Santiago, to be a good source of information, as original handwritten birth certificates sometimes hold clues.

A government investigation started in 2018 as mothers demanded answers about why their children were taken from them against their will.

A growing number of people who were taken as children from their biological mothers also started discovering the truth behind their adoptions.

Because of the growing number of complaints a special police unit was formed last March, which is working with mothers in regions where many of the children were thought to have been taken.

A DNA test has become the final piece in the puzzle. The government and charities helping the mothers want them to do the test so their DNA forms part of a central data bank managed by the government that will help adoptees find matches.

But the women are expected to pick up the costs themselves and each kit costs around $100 (£83) - which is around half a month's salary for the majority of them.

Jaime Balmaceda, a judge at the Court of Appeals, is involved in the government investigation. He is in charge of working out which of the adoptions were legitimate and which were not.

His theory is that money was changing hands and that is what he is trying to prove.

Not everyone is convinced the investigators are digging deep enough. Critics think that the Chilean state is trying to shield the judges, social workers, nuns and others involved in getting the children out of the country from prosecution.

Those who want to see justice done say the advanced age and poor health of some of those suspected of involvement in the forced adoption scheme should not be a barrier to prosecution.

Mr Balmaceda says delays in the investigation are not deliberate but that the process is long and often hampered by missing paperwork. "We are not trying to protect anyone, or waiting for people to die so they can't be brought to justice," he insists.

For Alejandro, jail-time for those behind his forced adoption has never been the goal.

The nun who arranged for him to be sent to The Netherlands recently visited Chile and faced questioning as part of the government investigation. But Alejandro says he does not want her to go to prison as she is in her 80s now.

"We've been treated inhumanely, but that doesn't mean that we should treat other people like that." Making sure something like this never happens again is more important to him.


"If you want to adopt because you want to help, that is one of the most noble things in the world," he says. "But you need to make sure you have all the information, because children will have questions about their biological roots and you need to make sure that you know the answers."



Original article can be found (here).
URL:      https://theintercept.com/2019/09/24/puerto-rico-austerity-congress/

July 26, 2017

Abstract, Social Movements in Chile (1983–2013): Four Theoretical and Historical Moments

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Social Movements in Chile (1983–2013): Four Theoretical and Historical Moments
by Mónica Iglesias Vázquez         


During the 1980s, the study of social movements became a central element of Chilean social thought. In the context of the struggle against the dictatorship, the forms of organization and protest deployed by the popular sectors attracted the attention of academics and politicians in an attempt to determine their nature and democratizing potential. Hegemonic sociology concluded that social movements did not exist in Chile and that social mobilizations had to be subordinate to the strategy of political parties, thereby bestowing a “scientific” status on the social-political divide. In the 1990s, with the end of the dictatorship, those sociologists abandoned the study of social movements. Only social history persisted in the understanding of the formation of popular subjectivities, contributing tools for characterizing the popular realm and the most recent outbreaks of protest and mobilization.


January 27, 2017

Film Review: Disappearing into the Distance




Disappearing into the Distance Two Latin American City Symphonies 
by Kristi M. Wilson

Andrea Prates, and Cleisson Vidal Dino Cazzola: A Filmography of Brasília. Brazil, 2012.
Heddy Honigmann Oblivion (El Olvido). The Netherlands, 2008

In Oblivion, the award-winning Dutch-Peruvian filmmaker Heddy Honigmann (Forever, Metal and Melancholy, O Amor Natural) visits her birthplace to record the stories of everyday Peruvians under Alan García’s second presidency (2006–2011). Her camera appears to float or wander at the street level, pausing on occasion to drop in upon the lives of the people it encounters there. Andrea Prates and Cleisson Vidal’s Dino Cazzola is at once a family history, a story of migration, a story of power and national identity, and an homage to filmmaking. Both films recall the Russian director Dziga Vertov’s 1929 classic documentary Man with a Movie Camera in that they are city symphonies, films that produce complex truths about a particular urban space by weaving together images and narrative fragments from the lives of its longtime residents.

At the start of Dino Cazzola: A Filmography of Brasília, close-ups of filmstrips from Cazzola’s extensive archive with dates and bits of tape on them play across the screen (Figure 1), letting us know that this documentary will address the sometimes tedious but usually surprising process of digging through archival material and that it will be self-reflexive. As in the case of Man with a Movie Camera, this film is not just about the creation of Brasília “on the boards of architects” and the life’s work of Dino Cazzola but about documenting one man’s obsession with filmmaking and fascination with the times in which he lived. The film’s opening shots oscillate between close-ups of dirty film cans from Cazzola’s archive being pried open to reveal largely decayed or moldy film stock (Figure 2) and black-and-white aerial shots of gleaming new symmetrical apartment buildings gliding past as if fresh off the conveyor belt.

CLICK HERE TO READ THE FULL TEXT OF THIS FILM REVIEW 

December 19, 2016

Abstract, Studying Other Memories The Colegio Médico de Chile under Socialism, Dictatorship, and Democracy, 1970–1990

:::::: Abstract ::::::



Studying Other Memories
The Colegio Médico de Chile under Socialism, Dictatorship, and Democracy, 1970–1990
Azun Candina-Polomer                                                                   


The Colegio Médico de Chile (College of Physicians of Chile) was a significant professional association with a long history and a leadership position in discussions about physicians as an occupational group and about public health in Chile. It opposed the socialist Popular Unity government (1970–1973), supported the military coup, collaborated actively with the dictatorship for several years afterward, and later joined the opposition demanding a return to democracy. Since the formal return to democracy in 1990, it has continued to participate in public discussions not only about health but also about human rights, reparations, and democratic convivencia in Chile. Examining its history helps us to historicize the construction of contemporary memory, facilitating an analysis of groups that do not correspond to the binary opposition of victims and victimizers that dominates the historical literature. The Colegio’s use of the same memories in different contexts leads us to reflect upon the fact that public memories are much more mobile and pragmatic and less principled than they first appear. This underlines the importance of including class and professional or corporate identity and other differences in analyses of the discourse of memory.


November 18, 2016

Abstract, Studying Other Memories The Colegio Médico de Chile under Socialism, Dictatorship, and Democracy, 1970–1990

:::::: Abstract ::::::



Studying Other Memories
The Colegio Médico de Chile under Socialism, Dictatorship, and Democracy, 1970–1990
Azun Candina-Polomer                                                                   


The Colegio Médico de Chile (College of Physicians of Chile) was a significant professional association with a long history and a leadership position in discussions about physicians as an occupational group and about public health in Chile. It opposed the socialist Popular Unity government (1970–1973), supported the military coup, collaborated actively with the dictatorship for several years afterward, and later joined the opposition demanding a return to democracy. Since the formal return to democracy in 1990, it has continued to participate in public discussions not only about health but also about human rights, reparations, and democratic convivencia in Chile. Examining its history helps us to historicize the construction of contemporary memory, facilitating an analysis of groups that do not correspond to the binary opposition of victims and victimizers that dominates the historical literature. The Colegio’s use of the same memories in different contexts leads us to reflect upon the fact that public memories are much more mobile and pragmatic and less principled than they first appear. This underlines the importance of including class and professional or corporate identity and other differences in analyses of the discourse of memory.


October 28, 2016

Abstract, Studying Other Memories The Colegio Médico de Chile under Socialism, Dictatorship, and Democracy, 1970–1990

:::::: Abstract ::::::



Studying Other Memories
The Colegio Médico de Chile under Socialism, Dictatorship, and Democracy, 1970–1990
Azun Candina-Polomer                                                                   


The Colegio Médico de Chile (College of Physicians of Chile) was a significant professional association with a long history and a leadership position in discussions about physicians as an occupational group and about public health in Chile. It opposed the socialist Popular Unity government (1970–1973), supported the military coup, collaborated actively with the dictatorship for several years afterward, and later joined the opposition demanding a return to democracy. Since the formal return to democracy in 1990, it has continued to participate in public discussions not only about health but also about human rights, reparations, and democratic convivencia in Chile. Examining its history helps us to historicize the construction of contemporary memory, facilitating an analysis of groups that do not correspond to the binary opposition of victims and victimizers that dominates the historical literature. The Colegio’s use of the same memories in different contexts leads us to reflect upon the fact that public memories are much more mobile and pragmatic and less principled than they first appear. This underlines the importance of including class and professional or corporate identity and other differences in analyses of the discourse of memory.


September 20, 2016

Film Review: Disappearing into the Distance




Disappearing into the Distance Two Latin American City Symphonies 
by Kristi M. Wilson,
Andrea Prates, and Cleisson Vidal Dino Cazzola: A Filmography of Brasília. Brazil, 2012.
Heddy Honigmann Oblivion (El Olvido). The Netherlands, 2008

In Oblivion, the award-winning Dutch-Peruvian filmmaker Heddy Honigmann (Forever, Metal and Melancholy, O Amor Natural) visits her birthplace to record the stories of everyday Peruvians under Alan García’s second presidency (2006–2011). Her camera appears to float or wander at the street level, pausing on occasion to drop in upon the lives of the people it encounters there. Andrea Prates and Cleisson Vidal’s Dino Cazzola is at once a family history, a story of migration, a story of power and national identity, and an homage to filmmaking. Both films recall the Russian director Dziga Vertov’s 1929 classic documentary Man with a Movie Camera in that they are city symphonies, films that produce complex truths about a particular urban space by weaving together images and narrative fragments from the lives of its longtime residents.

At the start of Dino Cazzola: A Filmography of Brasília, close-ups of filmstrips from Cazzola’s extensive archive with dates and bits of tape on them play across the screen (Figure 1), letting us know that this documentary will address the sometimes tedious but usually surprising process of digging through archival material and that it will be self-reflexive. As in the case of Man with a Movie Camera, this film is not just about the creation of Brasília “on the boards of architects” and the life’s work of Dino Cazzola but about documenting one man’s obsession with filmmaking and fascination with the times in which he lived. The film’s opening shots oscillate between close-ups of dirty film cans from Cazzola’s archive being pried open to reveal largely decayed or moldy film stock (Figure 2) and black-and-white aerial shots of gleaming new symmetrical apartment buildings gliding past as if fresh off the conveyor belt.

CLICK HERE TO READ THE FULL TEXT OF THIS FILM REVIEW 

September 16, 2016

Abstract, Constructing Memory through Television in Argentina by Claudia Feld

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Constructing Memory through Television in Argentina 
by Claudia Feld

Television represents Argentina’s recent past through three specific links with social memory: as an “entrepreneur of memory,” shaping public agendas, as a vehicle of intergenerational transmission of past events, and as a creator of meaning through images, sounds, and words, a “stage for memory.” An analysis in terms of the links between television and the memories constructed around the forced disappearance of persons during the 1976–1983 military dictatorship reveals the complex way in which the obstacles when narrating an extreme experience are combined with the attempt to sell a product and entertain the spectator.

September 12, 2016

Abstract, Reckoning with Dictatorship in Brazil: The Double-Edged Role of Artistic-Cultural Production by Nina Schneider and Rebecca J. Atencio

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Reckoning with Dictatorship in Brazil: The Double-Edged Role of Artistic-Cultural Production 
by Nina Schneider and Rebecca J. Atencio

A conventional approach that takes into account only official reckonings might lead one to believe that Brazil has lacked a culture of memory of the military regime, at least until recently. Widening the scope to include cultural production, however, provides a different view: one of a long tradition of reckoning with the dictatorship. In postauthoritarian Brazil, the process of transition has been marked by a disjuncture between the profusion of cultural responses to the dictatorship era and the legalistic silence resulting from the 1979 amnesty law, which continues to grant impunity to former human rights perpetrators. An approach that, instead of emphasizing political measures, asks how cultural production may have impacted Brazil’s particular way of approaching its violent past helps to answer such questions as how to reconcile the lack of popular mobilization in the 1980s with the fact that guerrilla memoirs turned out to be best sellers and whether culture served as a catalyst for debates about the authoritarian past. In the Brazilian context cultural production appears to strengthen the amnesty framework (“reconciliation”) rather than to undermine or overcome it (mobilizing for punishment). The function of cultural and memory work is double-edged, requiring a close reading of both the portrayal of violence in each cultural work and the larger historical and political context of each country case.

August 24, 2016

Abstract, Constructing Memory through Television in Argentina by Claudia Feld

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Constructing Memory through Television in Argentina 
by Claudia Feld

Television represents Argentina’s recent past through three specific links with social memory: as an “entrepreneur of memory,” shaping public agendas, as a vehicle of intergenerational transmission of past events, and as a creator of meaning through images, sounds, and words, a “stage for memory.” An analysis in terms of the links between television and the memories constructed around the forced disappearance of persons during the 1976–1983 military dictatorship reveals the complex way in which the obstacles when narrating an extreme experience are combined with the attempt to sell a product and entertain the spectator.

August 22, 2016

Abstract, Reckoning with Dictatorship in Brazil: The Double-Edged Role of Artistic-Cultural Production by Nina Schneider and Rebecca J. Atencio

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Reckoning with Dictatorship in Brazil: The Double-Edged Role of Artistic-Cultural Production 
by Nina Schneider and Rebecca J. Atencio

A conventional approach that takes into account only official reckonings might lead one to believe that Brazil has lacked a culture of memory of the military regime, at least until recently. Widening the scope to include cultural production, however, provides a different view: one of a long tradition of reckoning with the dictatorship. In postauthoritarian Brazil, the process of transition has been marked by a disjuncture between the profusion of cultural responses to the dictatorship era and the legalistic silence resulting from the 1979 amnesty law, which continues to grant impunity to former human rights perpetrators. An approach that, instead of emphasizing political measures, asks how cultural production may have impacted Brazil’s particular way of approaching its violent past helps to answer such questions as how to reconcile the lack of popular mobilization in the 1980s with the fact that guerrilla memoirs turned out to be best sellers and whether culture served as a catalyst for debates about the authoritarian past. In the Brazilian context cultural production appears to strengthen the amnesty framework (“reconciliation”) rather than to undermine or overcome it (mobilizing for punishment). The function of cultural and memory work is double-edged, requiring a close reading of both the portrayal of violence in each cultural work and the larger historical and political context of each country case.

December 31, 2015

Film Review: Disappearing into the Distance

Film Review:  Disappearing into the Distance


Disappearing into the Distance Two Latin American City Symphonies 
by Kristi M. Wilson,
Andrea Prates, and Cleisson Vidal Dino Cazzola: A Filmography of Brasília. Brazil, 2012.
Heddy Honigmann Oblivion (El Olvido). The Netherlands, 2008

In Oblivion, the award-winning Dutch-Peruvian filmmaker Heddy Honigmann (Forever, Metal and Melancholy, O Amor Natural) visits her birthplace to record the stories of everyday Peruvians under Alan García’s second presidency (2006–2011). Her camera appears to float or wander at the street level, pausing on occasion to drop in upon the lives of the people it encounters there. Andrea Prates and Cleisson Vidal’s Dino Cazzola is at once a family history, a story of migration, a story of power and national identity, and an homage to filmmaking. Both films recall the Russian director Dziga Vertov’s 1929 classic documentary Man with a Movie Camera in that they are city symphonies, films that produce complex truths about a particular urban space by weaving together images and narrative fragments from the lives of its longtime residents.