Book Review, Canadian Capital and Extractive Imperialism-"Blood of Extraction"

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Canadian Capital and Extractive Imperialism
Blood of Extraction

by Arturo Ezquerro-Cañete

Blood of Extraction is a book about the seamy side of Canadian foreign policy. Its aim is to shed light on the ways in which the Canadian state exercises its (secondary) imperial power to facilitate the expansion of Canadian capital in Latin America. These mechanisms include pushing for neoliberal reforms, underregulating the Toronto Stock Exchange, providing tax benefits, direct subsidies, and diplomatic support to Canadian mining companies operating abroad, and refusing to regulate them outside of the country (Tetreault, 2013). One of the major contributions of this book is its ability to discredit a number of old claims and myths centering around Canada’s commitment to democracy and human rights overseas.

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Political Report # 1319 How to Stop the U.S.-Cuba Backslide

By William M. LeoGrande America Quarterly

Relations between the United States and Cuba are on a downward spiral due to the mysterious injuries suffered by staff at the U.S. embassy in Havana last year, and there is no clear escape path from the vicious circle of recriminations that have damaged the interests of both countries. The most recent blow to relations came on March 2, when the Department of State announced that the embassy in Havana would become an unaccompanied post with reduced staffing similar to what it has been since last October, when most U.S. diplomats and family were recalled. Moreover, U.S. embassy staff who have been working in Washington will now be reassigned, further degrading U.S.-Cuban diplomatic ties. Going forward, the U.S. diplomatic presence in Cuba will be weaker than at any time since former President Jimmy Carter opened the U.S. Interests Section in 1977. The absence of diplomatic boots-on-the-ground means fewer cultural and educational exchanges; slower progress on issues of mutual interest; less help for U.S. visitors who need consular services; and new hardships for Cubans seeking to emigrate to the United States, who will have to travel abroad to get a visa. The travel warning issued by the State Department in October has already reduced the number of U.S. visitors, hurting the owners of private rental homes (casas particulares) and restaurants (paladares). U.S. study abroad programs have been hit hardest because many universities prohibit sending students to a country under a warning. How did we get into this mess and how can we get out? Washington's initial response to the reported injuries a little over a year ago was to work quietly behind the scenes with Cuban authorities. In February 2017, Cuba's President Raúl Castro met personally with the U.S. chargé d'affaires, Ambassador Jeffrey DeLaurentis, and promised a full investigation, even inviting the FBI to Cuba.

Abstract, Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?
by Marc-André Anzueto

During Guatemala’s 36-year-long civil war (1960–1996), Canada’s role in response to the conflict diverged from the United States’ realpolitik. In contrast to U.S. policy objectives during the cold war, the Canadian distinctiveness in Guatemala was prevalent in the realm of democracy and human rights policy. The Canadian government and civil society condemned human rights violations in Guatemala, supported the various phases of the peace process, and participated in international efforts to strengthen the rule of law. However, since 2003–2004, the Canadian government has promoted mining investments to the detriment of human rights and its relationship with civil society has deteriorated both at home and in Guatemala. This shift can be linked to a securitization process of human rights within the neoliberal order in Latin America and a change in the identity-based interest of Canadian foreign policy during Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s era (2006–2015).

Abstract, Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Canadian Human Rights Policy toward Guatemala: The Two Faces of Janus?
by Marc-André Anzueto

During Guatemala’s 36-year-long civil war (1960–1996), Canada’s role in response to the conflict diverged from the United States’ realpolitik. In contrast to U.S. policy objectives during the cold war, the Canadian distinctiveness in Guatemala was prevalent in the realm of democracy and human rights policy. The Canadian government and civil society condemned human rights violations in Guatemala, supported the various phases of the peace process, and participated in international efforts to strengthen the rule of law. However, since 2003–2004, the Canadian government has promoted mining investments to the detriment of human rights and its relationship with civil society has deteriorated both at home and in Guatemala. This shift can be linked to a securitization process of human rights within the neoliberal order in Latin America and a change in the identity-based interest of Canadian foreign policy during Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s era (2006–2015).

Political Report # 1243 Canada: Trump's Terrier at the OAS

By Maria Paez Victor, CounterPunch

Outrageous? Shameless? The sheer audacity of what happened a day ago at the OAS defies our vocabulary. But most of all, it was a profound disappointment for those of us who hoped that the government led by Justin Trudeau would have a foreign policy different from, and more honourable than, that of the government led by Steven Harper. The United States and Canada rounded up the rightwing neoliberal governments of the region for a meeting to condemn Venezuela. These countries were Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, and Peru. Bolivia's representative as President of the Permanent Council of the OAS, stated that such a meeting was out of order, not following the OAS rules. Mr. Diego Pary, who wanted time to analyze the welcomed revision of Venezuela's Supreme Court recent decisions, was totally disregarded.  The meeting was called despite his protests and that of the Vice-president held by the representative of Haiti. The representative of Honduras, in an ad hoc fashion, was made chair of that irregular meeting. This was a coup d'etat at the OAS. Here is the astonishing part: only 17 countries so very concerned over the niceties of rules, tearing their robes over details of democratic processes in Venezuela, simply disregarded their own OAS rules, ignored their own president and vice-president, and condemned Venezuela's democracy without taking a vote of the full 35 member states. They issued declarations to the press that there was "consensus" implying that all member states voted, which is a falsehood. They did not want to put it to a vote because they know they would not have the two-third majority needed. The principle of no-intervention in the affairs of a sovereign country - supposedly a principle of the OAS- was just cast aside by virtue of the opinions of the Venezuelan opposition, which are taken at their face value with little or no relation to facts or evidence.

Political Report # 1241 El Salvador Becomes First Country to Ban Metals Mining

By Sandra Cuffe, Mongabay

Legislators in El Salvador made history Wednesday, passing a bill to ban all metallic mining activities in the country. The results of the much-anticipated vote were unanimous: 69 in favor, none against, and no abstentions. Fifteen of the country's 84 lawmakers did not show up for the vote. The result "makes tiny El Salvador the unlikely hero in a global movement to put the brakes on a modern day 'gold rush'," MiningWatch Canada wrote in a statement Thursday. The Central American nation is the first country in the world to ban mining for gold and other metals, according to the industry watchdog group. With the exception of a transition period for small-scale artisanal gold miners, the law provides for an immediate, definitive, and permanent ban on all metals mining, including exploration activities. No old permits or license applications will be grandfathered in, according to the succinct 11-article bill. It will take effect one week after its publication in the official government gazette. "Today's a historic day, thanks to all the struggle over the years for a ban on metallic mining," FMLN legislator Guillermo Mata said during the discussion in the legislative assembly Wednesday, shortly before the bill was put to a vote. Francis Zablah, a legislator from GANA, one of the three main political parties in the country together with the FMLN and ARENA, lauded the multi-partisan commission on the environment and climate change for rising above inter-party political divisions to advance the bill.

Political Report # 1233 Ecuadoreans' Legal Fight Against Chevron Continues in Canada

By Joe Emersberger, TeleSur

In 1993, US lawyer Steven Donziger and others filed a lawsuit in New York against Texaco on behalf of Indigenous nationalities and campesino communities in Ecuador's Amazon whose land and water had been thoroughly contaminated over a 26-year period. From 1964-1990, Texaco ran all drilling, waste disposal, and pipeline operations in the region and admitted it had dumped 16 billion gallons of oil waste into rivers and streams relied on by local inhabitants for their drinking water, bathing, and fishing. The damage has been called the "Amazon Chernobyl" by locals and is considered by some experts to be the worst oil-related environmental disaster on the planet and credibly linked to unusually high cancer rates in the area. Texaco spent almost 10 years fighting to get the lawsuit moved to Ecuador's courts, which it praised in numerous sworn affidavits. In 2001, Chevron (which had just merged with Texaco) won that battle and agreed to abide by any judgment issued in Ecuador, subject only to narrow enforcement defenses.

Political Report # 1156 Canadian Mining: Still Controversial in Central America The Case of Honduras

By Mercedes Garcia, Research Fellow at COHA

Canadian companies account for 50 to 70 percent of the mining in Central America, and their presence in the region has been widely reported as highly detrimental because they fail to protect the environment and the indigenous people.[1] This article focuses on Honduras and the inadequate response of the government, where neoliberal policies benefit foreign corporations at the expense of the Honduran people. It also highlights the reluctance of the Canadian government to effectively regulate its mining corporations in Honduras, and suggests policies that will help address these issues.[2] Due to the weakness of institutions and the absence of the rule of law in many parts of the region, as well as the prioritizing of economic over environmental and human rights concerns, local governments have ignored health problems resulting from chemical and mineral exposure, as well as environmental devastation, massive displacement, and the targeted assassination and persecution of activists who oppose on mining activities.[3] Canadian companies and their subsidiaries operating in Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and other countries, are cited for engaging in controversial practices. Despite this, they face limited or no legal consequences.[4]