Showing posts with label Justice. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Justice. Show all posts

November 14, 2019

Political Report # 1427 Climate Justice Means Solidarity with Colombia






Political Report # 1427

Climate Justice Means Solidarity with Colombia


Back in 2015, I went with leaders of the Fensuagro agricultural workers federation to observe a series of consultations in the coffee growing areas of the Department of Tolima. These consultations were to ask rural communities about what their hopes were for the pending Peace Accord, and what kinds of benefits and developments they looked forward to via the agreement. A major component of the accord, which would be finalized in November 2016, was a commitment by the state for rural development to create alternatives to the cultivation of crops with illicit uses, open up new markets, and build decent roads to get those crops to those markets.

I was very surprised by the main content of the consultations. Yes, the farmers talked about their expectations for peace. Yes, they talked about the relief they longed to experience cultivating crops without fear of war and political violence. But what they talked even more about had to do with their concerns around climate change. In every community we visited, we heard about how the farmers were being impacted by new weather patterns that were shrinking the zones where coffee could be grown. They also talked about new infestations of pests that were plaguing their fields as a result of warming temperatures. The issue of substitution was no longer just one of converting illicit cultivation to licit. They were discussing substituting new crops for coffee because the ecosystem had been irreversibly altered.

Since the Peace Accord was implemented, virtually none of the commitments of the state for rural development have been honored. The administration of US President Donald Trump has advocated repeatedly against those commitments and called for forced eradication of coca and marijuana fields with no development in return. The White House has demanded a return to the spraying of entire communities with the carcinogen glyphosate (developed by Monsanto as RoundUp), that defoliates not only illegal crops, but also natural vegetation as well as alternative and legal agricultural production. The puppet administration of Colombia’s President Ivan Duque has been all too willing to comply with Trump’s demands.

This has coincided with the highest levels of political violence against popular movements and rural communities in many years. An oft repeated statistic is that every 30 hours a social movement leader or human rights defender is murdered in Colombia. Most these can also be described as environmental activists and land and water protectors. As many as 75% of the victims are from rural communities.

Colombia’s rural, indigenous, and Afro-Colombian communities are truly on the front line when it comes to combating the effects of climate change and other attacks on the environment. Earth defenders are killed, and families are forcibly displaced because the territories they inhabit are coveted by oil companies, mining companies, hydroelectric companies, big agribusinesses wanting to impose vast fields of monoculture crops, and narco-traffickers. One example is the village of Las Vegas in the municipality of Dolores, Tolima, where coffee growers were being forced off their land because the area had been found to contain oil reserves.

I have also traveled extensively in Colombia’s far north, where the Department of La Guajira is found. In that department, every year 600 to 700 Wayuú indigenous children die because of a drought exacerbated by coal mining developments. There and in the next-door Department of César, big coal mining projects like Cerrejón and the Drummond mines are diverting water resources and contaminating the water that remains. The region’s rivers and streams are the lifeblood of local agriculture. The theft and contamination of these water sources has worsened the effects of the drought, pushing hunger, and malnutrition to epic proportions.

It is no secret how oil and coal mine development contribute to global warming. However, what is less understood by many is the intimate link between the struggle for climate justice and ecological sustainability, and the struggle for liberation from Empire and the spread of global capitalism. The diffusion of transnational and private access to resources is backed up by the military might of the United States and its allies.

When we investigate what propels global warming, threat number one is the US/NATO/Transnational Corporate Empire. It follows, then, that the best way to save the Earth is to dismantle that Empire. The Empire has invested more than $12 billion in Colombia to militarize that nation. Whether repressing its own popular movements within or providing a launching pad for aggressions against Venezuela and other independent voices in the region, the Empire is using Colombia to silence and subdue those that stand in the way of privatization.

The Empire leads the drive toward ecological collapse. The single largest institutional source of greenhouse gasses is the Pentagon. In 2014, the Alliance for Global Justice was one of 37 popular movement organizations from around the world that signed the “If You Want to Save the World” declaration, which stated that,

“Only five companies are responsible for 12.5% of the greenhouse gasses that are emitted into the atmosphere:  Chevron-Texaco, Exxon-Mobil, British Petroleum, Shell Oil and Conoco-Phillips. Their protector, the US armed forces is in turn the single governmental or corporate institution that consumes more petroleum products and emits more greenhouse gasses than any other in the world. Nevertheless, the US demands that the climate impact caused by the US military will not be brought up in any of the climate negotiations—and the UN accepts this.

The declaration also spoke about exactly what it would take to truly reverse this rush toward planetary destruction:

“The same imperialism that has caused so much damage to the Global South today continues expanding and threatening the whole planet. Consequently, the struggle for climate justice has converted into a struggle for the liberation of all workers, peasants, indigenous and ecosystems. The struggle against Empire is a struggle to save life on Earth.”

Any serious effort to save the world, to end war, to establish peace and justice, including climate justice, is always, at its heart, a struggle to dismantle the stranglehold of Empire. This is especially true with regards to Colombia. Colombia provides the most crucial base of operations for the Empire in Latin America. The US has access to military bases throughout the country, with a permanent presence at seven of them. Colombia is strategically positioned with coasts on both the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, and sits as a bridge connecting South America with Central America, the Caribbean, and Mexico. Together, the neighboring nations of Colombia and Venezuela form the strategic heart for Empire’s designs in the Americas. The defense of Venezuela’s autonomy and support for Colombia’s liberation are two of the most vital components of any effort to stop the Empire’s march toward total domination of the region.


On Friday, September 20, young people around the world are conducting a Climate Strike that will serve as a valiant wake-up call to all of us to take action to curb the ecological disaster we are facing. The following Friday, September 27, solidarity activists throughout North and Latin America are coming together to serve notice to Colombian embassies and consulates of a new permanent grassroots campaign to end the political violence and displacement in Colombia. The actions on September 27 will kick off the campaign for the People’s Travel Advisory on Colombia. This campaign is a response to an ongoing effort to portray Colombia as a safe paradise for tourists.  We are saying, as internationalists, that Colombia is not safe until political violence has ended and the Peace Accord is honored. Both the Climate Strike and the September 27 actions are interrelated. It is up to us to make the connection: climate justice and liberation from Empire are two goals that cannot and must not be separated, that can only be achieved together. Striking for the Climate and standing up for peace in Colombia are good places to start.





Original article can be found (here).
URL:      Click here for article

April 25, 2019

Political Report # 1393 Puerto Ricans Are Resisting Policing as a Solution to Crisis





By Anton Woronczuk, Truthout



In Policing Life and Death: Race, Violence, and Resistance in Puerto Rico, author Marisol LeBrón shows how Puerto Rico’s colonial relationship with the U.S. has shaped policing in the archipelago as a form of “colonial crisis management.” Her new book exposes the ways policing harms marginalized communities and deepens social inequality. In this interview, LeBrón discusses the legacy of punitive “solutions” and the various ways Puerto Ricans are challenging state violence and building alternative forms of justice.
Truthout: Policing Life and Death begins with the history of a series of anti-crime measures introduced in Puerto Rico in 1993 called mano dura contra el crimen. What exactly was mano dura and why is it central to understanding the legacy of policing in Puerto Rico?
Marisol LeBrón: Mano dura contra el crimen, which translates to “iron fist against crime,” was a series of crime-reduction measures introduced by Puerto Rican Gov. Pedro Rosselló in 1993. As part of mano dura, police and military forces raided and occupied public housing and other low-income spaces around the archipelago, but primarily across the big island, in an effort to eliminate drug trafficking. The activation of the Puerto Rican National Guard as part of mano dura’s “war against crime” remains one of the longest “peacetime” mobilizations of a National Guard unit under U.S. jurisdiction. The willingness of the Puerto Rican government to unleash military tactics and technology against public housing and barrio residents really showed the extent to which some of Puerto Rico’s most vulnerable citizens had been marked as internal enemies of the state.

April 14, 2017

Political Report # 1244 Mexican Journalist Seeking Asylum for Facing Death Threats Detained at US Border for 60 Days

Mendez Pineda is seeking political asylum over death threats in one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists.
Reporters Without Borders is calling on U.S. authorities to admit Mexican journalist Martin Mendez Pineda into the United States, detained at the border for the past 60 days while fleeing threats of violence in his home country to seek asylum north of the border.
In a statement released Wednesday, the group explained that Mendez Pineda, the target of attacks and death threats in his home state of Guerrero, has been waiting for a response to his political asylum request since Feb. 5.
While he passed the "credible fear interview" on March 1, which authorities use to decide whether a real threat exists, and would ordinarily have been allowed to enter the United States, he instead has been detained under "deplorable conditions," according to his lawyer.
"We call on ICE to release Martin Mendez Pineda without delay," Emmanuel Colombie, the head of the Latin America bureau of Reporters Without Borders, also known as RSF, said in the statement. "This journalist, who has been persecuted and threatened with death in his country, must be allowed to present his case for political asylum freely and with dignity before an immigration judge."
After covering a number of violent arrests made by federal police officers in February, Mendez Pineda, a former journalist with Novedades Acapulco, was attacked by these same police officers. Weeks later, armed men threatened to kill him outside his home. He then decided to resign from Novedades Acapulco, file a complaint with Mexico's National Human Rights Commission and flee to the United States.
According to the RSF, journalism is a dangerous job in Guerrero, with 11 journalists having been murdered in Guerrero since 2003. The most recent victim was Cecilio Pineda Birto, a crime reporter who was gunned down in the violence-ridden state of Guerrero last month.
The rest of Mexico is just as deadly for reporters - the country is the most dangerous place to be a journalist in the Western hemisphere.
Recently, the newspaper Norte was forced to shut down in the city of Juarez. Its editor penned an editorial informing readers of the publication's decision to shut down, citing the story of Miroslava Breach, a journalist from a city nearby who was shot in the head eight times while she was in her car with her child. The slain La Jornada reporter, who often collaborated with Norte, was left with a note by the gunman that read, "For being a loudmouth."
And just last month, a spate of other murders took place, with two journalists killed in Veracruz, in addition to the ones in Guerrero and Chihuahua. An armed attack on a journalist in San Jose del Cabo, Baja California Sur, also left his bodyguard dead.
The Committee to Protect Journalists reported that at least 38 journalists have been killed in the country since 1992 for motives linked to their reporting, with another 50 slain in the same time period for unclear reasons.
A recent report by the Inter-American Press Association found that 13 journalists have been killed in Latin America just in the last 6 months, with Mexico leading in the number of these deaths. Since last October, Mexico has seen 5 journalists murdered; Peru has seen three; Guatemala and the Dominican Republic, two; and Honduras, one.
Meanwhile, a new report by press freedom group Article 19, found that people who kill journalists in Mexico get away with murder 99.7 percent of the time. It points out that 2016 was "the most violent year for the press in Mexico" with a record of 426 attacks and 11 journalists murdered, the largest number in the last 10 years.




Original article and sources can be found here:
http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Mexican-Journalist-Seeking-Asylum-for-Facing-Death-Threats-Detained-at-US-Border-for-60-Days-20170405-0011.html

March 13, 2017

Political Report # 1234 The Long History of Deportation Scare Tactics at the US-Mexico Border


The Trump administration's first moves on immigration enforcement represent an unprecedented hard-line position, envisioning thousands of new agents, enlisting local police as immigration enforcers, making virtually anyone a priority for deportation, bypassing immigration courts, and, of course, ordering the construction of the infamous wall along the Mexican border. And then there is the president's own rhetoric equating immigrants with criminals - after campaign talk characterizing Mexicans as rapists, this week he referred to his immigration policy as a "military operation" against gang members, "drug lords," and "bad dudes."
Despite the emotionally charged rollout of these policies, it remains to be seen whether they will be fully implemented; the money and manpower required to do so would be extraordinary. There are parallels between Trump's efforts and previous U.S. immigration crackdowns, when rhetoric about "criminal aliens," hyped-up raids, and inflated deportation numbers created what was essentially a "terror campaign" in Mexican immigrant communities, says Kelly Lytle Hernandez, a historian at the University of California, Los Angeles.
"I think it would serve us to do our best to fight back against the scare campaign" promoting Trump's enforcement operations, she said. "I don't want to suggest that the terror isn't real. But we don't want to inflate it. I don't want to fulfill Trump's vision of mass deportation by fueling the panic and fear."

March 8, 2017

Political Report # 1233 Ecuadoreans' Legal Fight Against Chevron Continues in Canada


In 1993, US lawyer Steven Donziger and others filed a lawsuit in New York against Texaco on behalf of Indigenous nationalities and campesino communities in Ecuador's Amazon whose land and water had been thoroughly contaminated over a 26-year period.
From 1964-1990, Texaco ran all drilling, waste disposal, and pipeline operations in the region and admitted it had dumped 16 billion gallons of oil waste into rivers and streams relied on by local inhabitants for their drinking water, bathing, and fishing. The damage has been called the "Amazon Chernobyl" by locals and is considered by some experts to be the worst oil-related environmental disaster on the planet and credibly linked to unusually high cancer rates in the area.
Texaco spent almost 10 years fighting to get the lawsuit moved to Ecuador's courts, which it praised in numerous sworn affidavits. In 2001, Chevron (which had just merged with Texaco) won that battle and agreed to abide by any judgment issued in Ecuador, subject only to narrow enforcement defenses.

February 6, 2017

Political Report # 1224 How the Zavascki Plane Crash Could Advance a Political Agenda in Brazil







By Aline Piva, COHA 


The tragic death of Teori Zavascki, the Brazilian Supreme Court Justice who died in an airplane crash on January 19, has sparked many questions amongst millions of dumbfounded Brazilians. Zavascki was in charge of overseeing the tense judicial procedures involved in investigating Operation Car Wash, the scheme of corruption in the Brazilian state-owned oil company Petrobras which has involved many politicians and powerful global business figures. Not only do the sensitive circumstances of the accident remain murky, but they also raise the question about how Zavascki's death could potentially benefit the current unelected president of Brazil, Michel Temer, and his political allies. These circumstances have made many doubt that the crash was merely a tragic accident.
The aforementioned tragedy happened only a few miles off Rio de Janeiro's coast. Zavascki and four other people were on board of the small aircraft when it went down on Thursday, January 19.[i] The technical reasons that might have contributed to the accident, such as the factor of bad weather and problems with the aircraft or with the pilot, are presently under investigation by the Center for Research and Prevention of Aeronautical Accidents (CENIPA), which was at the site shortly after the crash. The Federal Prosecutor's Office (MPF) and the Federal Police (PF) will determine if there had been any deliberate attempt to dismantle the plane. The investigations are currently under judicial secrecy, but preliminary analyses of recorded conversations revealed no signs of panic in the cockpit or abnormalities with the aircraft, fueling intense speculation over the mysterious cause of the tragedy.[ii]

December 2, 2016

Introduction, The Resilience of Memory, Truth, and Justice Processes: Culture, Politics, and Social Mobilizations

:::::: Abstract ::::::



The Resilience of Memory, Truth, and Justice Processes: Culture, Politics, and Social Mobilizations
edited by Roberta Villalón                                                                 


A second wave of memory, truth, and justice mobilizations has been spreading in Latin America since the turn of the century (Villalón, 2015). The push to address unresolved human rights violations perpetrated in the 1970s and 1980s has resulted in the (re)opening of trials of perpetrators and a more complex understanding of past and present violence and inequalities. The resilient collective efforts that have fed these processes have also gained depth. Richer collective memories and the achievement of (at least partially) successful outcomes have provided movements a clear sense that not all their efforts have been in vain. Justice, reconciliation, and social equality may not be at all possible, but they are utopic ideals worth pursuing (Villalón, 2016).
This third issue on the politics of collective memory expands on the contents of the first two (March 2015 and September 2016). Theoretically, it contributes to the body of literature in the field by uncovering the politics of framing memory and is developed in terms of a critical epistemology from the bottom up. The research is intended to challenge systems and practices of inequality and contribute to community efforts to generate social change for justice. The contributors dismantle inequalities of knowledge and power by critically pointing to controversies, inconsistencies, and complexities of memory, truth, and justice processes. Their studies allow for a more nuanced comprehension of past violence, breaking up simplistic interpretations that pair victims and victimizers, left and right, pre- and postconflict, truth and injustice to explore the grey areas in between and reveal the misleading effects of dichotomous rationalizations.

September 2, 2016

Political Report # 1178 Death Squad Revelations and the New Police in Honduras




By Annie Bird
Americas Programs


On June 21, 2015 the London-based Guardian newspaper published an article describing the testimony of a soldier who says he deserted the army after his unit was given an order to kill activists whose names appeared on two lists. He reported seeing one list given to his Military Police unit that formed part of the Xatruch task force, and a second for a Military Police unit that formed part of the National Force of Interinstitutional Security (FUSINA) task force. The second contained the name of Lenca indigenous leader Berta Caceres, murdered on March 3, 2016.
On June 22 Honduran Defense Minister Samuel Reyes published a response to the Guardian article, claiming that the Military Police did not have a seventh battalion, that the FBI had not trained military forces in Honduras and that the TESON (Troops Specialized in Jungle and Nocturnal Operations) training course did not have U.S. military trainers.

August 19, 2016

Abstract, The Complexities of Memory, Truth, and Justice Processes: Artistic and Cultural Resistance by Roberta Villalón

:::::: Abstract ::::::

The Complexities of Memory, Truth, and Justice Processes: Artistic and Cultural Resistance 
by Roberta Villalón

The second wave of memory, truth, and justice mobilizations continues to build high across Latin America (Villalón, 2015). Since the turn of the century, various countries of the region have witnessed a push to address the unresolved human rights abuses of past military regimes and civil conflicts. Previous processes of truth, reconciliation, and justice have been reevaluated, new interpretations of past violence have emerged, once-immune victimizers have been tried, and richer collective memories have developed. The difficulties of coming to terms with not only the horror of extreme violence typical of (dirty and civil) wars but also the incompleteness of justice postwar have permeated ebullient memory mobilizations and reconciliation efforts. Simple answers to the quintessential “Who is to be blamed?” and “How to move on?” have been put to rest, and a widespread recognition of the severe complexities of past, present, and future has taken hold. Did the violence actually begin before the military coups because of histories of structural inequality? How can we make sure that all the targets of violence are recognized without exacerbating latent conflicts? Are the limitations of democratization/pacification simply unavoidable, and, if so, will the struggles for memory, truth, and justice never end? Is current victimization a continuation of past oppression? How are we to deal with the arbitrariness of abusive power relations? Are justice, reconciliation, and social equality possible, or are they utopian ideals worth pursuing despite persistent dynamics of marginalization?

March 16, 2016

Political Report # 1127 Ante la situación en Brasil - Comunicado del Secretario Ejecutivo de CLACSO By Pablo Gentili, CLACSO




Estimados/as colegas, amigos y amigas,
Hoy, en Brasil, se ha avanzado un paso más en el proceso de desestabilización institucional que pretende perpetrar un sector del Poder Judicial, la Policía Federal, los monopolios de prensa y las fuerzas políticas que han sido derrotadas en las últimas elecciones nacionales. Una desestabilización del orden democrático que tiene un objetivo principal: impedir que las fuerzas progresistas sigan gobernando el país y, especialmente, acabar definitivamente con el Partido de los Trabajadores y con su figura más emblemática, el ex presidente Lula.
Esto es lo que está en juego y es esto lo que explica una multiplicidad de acciones judiciales, denuncias de la prensa nunca demostradas, insultos, amenazas, ataques públicos y una persistente ofensiva parlamentaria por parte de las fuerzas más conservadoras y reaccionarias del país.
Se trata de criminalizar y de responsabilizar al PT y a su presidente de honor de actos de corrupción, usando hechos que la justicia aún investiga como si fueran parte de un plan organizado desde el propio centro neurálgico del poder; esto es, los mandatos presidenciales de Lula y Dilma Rousseff. Encontrar una conexión entre ambos mandatarios y los hechos de corrupción analizados por la Justicia es la gran obsesión y, quizás, la única carta que hoy tiene la derecha brasileña para volver al poder, destruyendo los avances democráticos de la última década.

March 7, 2016

Political Report # 1123 Lula y el futuro de Brasil By Emir Sader, Pagina 12



La derecha brasileña siempre creyó que en algún momento el PT iba a ganar pero fracasaría y, a partir de ese momento, ella podría dirigir el país con tranquilidad. Lula ganó y el suyo resultó el mejor gobierno que jamás tuvo el país. A partir de ese momento empezó la caza a Lula.
No pudierion impedir su reeleccion en 2006, ni que él eligiera y reeligiera a su sucessora, en 2010 y 2014. Ahora Lula aparece como favorito para ganar las elecciones del 2018 y volver a ser presidente de Brasil.
En la desesperación, la derecha une todo lo que tiene: sectores del Poder Judicial, de la Policia Federal, los grandes medios privados, en campaña total en contra de Lula. Una campaña que se intensificó a partir del discurso de Lula en Rio de Janeiro, en el cumpleaños del PT, el 27 de febrero, cuando declaró públicamente que, si fuera para garantizar la continuidad del proceso iniciado en 2003, él sería candidato de nuevo.