Abstract, The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

:::::: Abstract ::::::

The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

by Simon Granovsky-Larsen   

The Guatemalan peace process helped to shape both the form of state that emerged following armed conflict and the constraints and opportunities faced by contemporary social movements. Despite the reconfiguration of power by Guatemalan elites through peace negotiation and accord-based reforms, social movements have harnessed neoliberal projects to strengthen grassroots resistance and alternative-building. An overview of the campesino movement and the case of the Comité Campesino del Altiplano indicates that campesinos have engaged strategically with neoliberal resources in order to construct counterhegemonic projects.

Abstract, The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

:::::: Abstract ::::::

The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Postconflict Neoliberal State

by Simon Granovsky-Larsen   

The Guatemalan peace process helped to shape both the form of state that emerged following armed conflict and the constraints and opportunities faced by contemporary social movements. Despite the reconfiguration of power by Guatemalan elites through peace negotiation and accord-based reforms, social movements have harnessed neoliberal projects to strengthen grassroots resistance and alternative-building. An overview of the campesino movement and the case of the Comité Campesino del Altiplano indicates that campesinos have engaged strategically with neoliberal resources in order to construct counterhegemonic projects.

Political Report # 1256 Colombia's Christian Alt-Right

By ANDRÉS GONZÁLEZ, JACOBIN

The defeat of Colombia's referendum in October of 2016 was a shocking development. Liberal and left-wing observers failed to predict that voters would be won over by the Right's fear-mongering anti-peace campaign. In Colombia, ideological vestiges of the Cold War have been refashioned to direct fear and anger towards a fictional "gender ideology" that supposedly poses a spiritual threat to Christian values. In the lead-up to the peace referendum, right-wing groups were able mobilize the imaginary threat of a queer, communist conspiracy to generate panic and turn it into political capital. It's time we grappled with the gruesome consequences of a political conjuncture in which online media figures, conservative religious movements, and a generalized politics of fear all intersect to shore up support for the Right, even in a country poised to overcome a persistent conflict that has raged for more than fifty years. The War on "Gender Ideology" After four years of negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-Popular Army (FARC-EP), an end to Colombia's long internal conflict seemed near.  But in October 2016, with only 37 percent of the almost 35 million eligible voters showing up to the polls, the peace agreement was rejected by a margin of just 50.21 percent. A few days after the failed referendum, Juan Carlos Vélez, manager of the campaign opposing the peace agreement, was interviewed by La República, a well known newspaper in Colombia. According to Vélez, the success of his campaign was due to two factors: 1) the importance of digital social networks over other media sources, and 2) a differential approach to messaging that targeted different class audiences.

A Partial Peace in Colombia

A Partial Peace in Colombia Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos (left) and FARC leader Timoleón Jimenez (right) shake hands after signing peace accords; Cuban president Raúl Castro stands in the middle. By Kevin Young, Against the Current

In November 2016 the Colombian Congress approved a peace deal between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas, potentially ending a 50-year armed conflict that has killed at least 220,000 people--82 percent civilians--and displaced almost seven million. The accord includes mechanisms for disarmament and reintegration of guerrilla fighters, lenient sentencing for those who confess to committing acts of violence, and an allotment of ten congressional seats for FARC politicians for eight years. Separate peace talks with the smaller National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla force are now underway.

Political Report # 1200 Will Colombia's Peace Process Have an Environmental Dark Side?

U'wa indigenous guard meeting during their occupation of the Gibraltar gas plant in U'wa ancestral territory. Photo credit: Kinorama CopyLeft By Andrew E. Miller, Amazon Watch

Colombia's 50+ year armed conflict with the FARC, the country's largest and oldest left-wing insurgent group, may be coming to a close. A peace agreement between the government and the FARC was announced on August 24th and signed on September 26th. Though a popular vote on October 2nd rejected the accord by a very narrow margin and temporarily up-ended the peace process, input from opponents and a new round of negotiation led to a revised accord, which was released on November 14th. The Colombian government is now exploring options for implementation of the new accord as soon as possible. For the majority of Colombians, and for those who have worked on human rights in Colombia, the conflict that has killed hundreds of thousands and displaced millions can't end soon enough. Like other rural populations in Colombia, the country's 102 indigenous peoples have been subjected to terror campaigns committed by all of the conflict's armed actors. The war has also contributed to ecological destruction, including damage to the rainforest associated with coca cultivation, eradication, and drug production. Guerrilla attacks on oil pipelines have led to a reported four million barrels of spilled oil over the years.

Political Report # 1192 EThere's Still Time for Peace in Colombia

Colombians celebrate as they watch on a giant screen broadcasting the signing of a peace agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC. (photo: Guillermo Legaria/Getty Images) By Kieran Duffy, Jacobin

Colombia's president is no champion of peace. But the chance to finally end the country's civil war cannot be allowed to slip away. The past couple weeks have been full of ups and downs for Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos. On October 2, he suffered a surprise defeat when Colombian voters narrowly rejected his peace deal with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). After four years of negotiations with the rebels, it seemed his plan to end the fifty-two-year conflict - the plan he had hoped would define his presidency - had come to nothing. As he negotiated with the deal's opponents in a desperate bid to find a compromise, many Colombians feared that the country would be plunged back into war and that a unique chance for peace had been lost. Less than a week later, Santos was no doubt in a cheerier mood. The Nobel Committee had just announced it would award him its peace prize, making him only the second Colombian Nobel laureate. The august body praised Santos "for his resolute efforts to bring the country's more than 50-year-long civil war to an end, a war that has cost the lives of at least 220,000 Colombians and displaced close to six million people."

Political Report # 1190 There's Still Time for Peace in Colombia

Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos in September 2010.  Sara Rojas / Flickr By Kieran Duffy, Jacobin

The past couple weeks have been full of ups and downs for Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos. On October 2, he suffered a surprise defeat when Colombian voters narrowly rejected his peace deal with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). After four years of negotiations with the rebels, it seemed his plan to end the fifty-two-year conflict - the plan he had hoped would define his presidency - had come to nothing. As he negotiated with the deal’s opponents in a desperate bid to find a compromise, many Colombians feared that the country would be plunged back into war and that a unique chance for peace had been lost. Less than a week later, Santos was no doubt in a cheerier mood. The Nobel Committee had just announced it would award him its peace prize, making him only the second Colombian Nobel laureate. The august body praised Santos “for his resolute efforts to bring the country’s more than 50-year-long civil war to an end, a war that has cost the lives of at least 220,000 Colombians and displaced close to six million people.”

Political Report # 1093 Indigenous Communities Seek Autonomous Development Projects in Guatemala By Jeff Abbott, Truthout | Report

The fourth meeting of Latin America Network Against Dams and For Rivers was held in Colonia el Naranjo, Guatemala in October 2005. (Photo: Glen Switkes / International Rivers) By Jeff Abbott, Truthout | Report

As Guatemala faces its greatest political crisis since the 1980s, behind the scenes, plans for the United States' Alliance for Prosperity continue to move along. The plan, which was modeled after Plan Colombia, would provide the governments of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador - the "northern triangle" of Central America - with an additional $1 billion aid package, on top of existing aid plans, to spur further investment in the region. The expansion of hydroelectric construction projects and the further integration of electric grids are central to the plan, yet these projects threaten indigenous communities' land rights.