Showing posts with label Refugees. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Refugees. Show all posts

October 13, 2020

Refugees, Indigenous People, Transgenders and Prisoners : Latin American Governments’ Miscommunication with the Most Vulnerable Communities During COVID- 19

 By Marcelo Rodriguez and Victoria De La Torre

        In times of a pandemic, vital information becomes a matter of life and death. However, at a time when civilians need it the most, the overnight transformation of government information into a solely virtual presence has created a plethora of issues as well as even more obstacles to reach the most vulnerable communities. These insecurities have transformed any vital pandemic-related information emanating from the government into a minefield of contradictory, constantly-changing, and at times erroneous messaging. When it comes to vulnerable communities, feelings of mistrust and fear have exacerbated and exposed a pattern of insufficient resources and isolation. We have chosen to concentrate our research on four vulnerable communities in the region: Refugees, Indigenous, Transgender and Prisoners. From the perspective of these four vulnerable groups, we would like to highlight how the new virtual reality of exclusively online government information has left these groups stranded and isolated when they needed these government services the most.
         The pandemic has essentially halted all global, international migration as borders close, and workers return to their home countries. Over 120 countries have closed their borders all over the world citing Coronavirus as the primary reason, and only 30 of those countries currently accept asylum claims. Peru was home to some 865,000 Venezuelan migrants prior to COVID-19. A significant number of them has been returning home due to lack of work during Peru’s pandemic shutdown, which led to a 16.25% drop in GDP during the month of March alone. Venezuelan makeshift border quarantine facilities built along the border in small villages and communities to contain migrants and refugees are hotbeds for contamination and spreading illness. Hundreds of people and children are forced to stay for two weeks in these facilities without beds, clean water, or food beyond rice and lentils while endangering the civilians whose homes and schools have been commandeered.

Latin America’s waves of immigration are not solely composed of migrant workers attempting to return home, but it is also inclusive of those traveling as refugees because risking exposure to COVID-19 is less of a threat to their lives and families than staying home. Few cities, like Mexico City, consider registering asylum to be essential work and permit refugees within its borders despite the rate of applicants plummeting to below 90%. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi urges that “... securing public health and protecting refugees are not mutually exclusive.”

            Historically disenfranchised and in the margins of most Latin American societies, COVID-19 seriously threatens the very existence of indigenous groups throughout the region. The circumstances and problems facing these communities are known by the authorities, and they have been extensively studied. Lack of adequate health services, precarious sanitary conditions, lack of access to digital technology and discrimation in accessing government services are among the main problems aggravating any government’s response to the current COVID-19 pandemic in indigenous communities. Weaker immune systems and isolation have come to exacerbate an already fragile situation. Despite the fact that some indigenous communities have opted for even more isolation in order to avoid contagion, groups such as Indigenous Organisations of the Amazon Basin, Peru’s Amazon indigenous federation, Colombia’s national indigenous organization have called upon their respective national governments as well as international organizations to reach out to all groups with the vital information needed regarding the pandemic. A complete lack of coordination among national lockdowns, border closures and state of emergencies have made the situation untenable and counterproductive to any efforts to contain the virus anywhere. 

        On April 2, Peru, together with Panama, began restricting movement by gender. Women and men were allowed to leave their houses exclusively on the three days assigned to their gender. No one was allowed to leave their houses on Sundays. This gender-based restrictive policy proved to be controversial with the transgender community in Peru as well as creating a significant amount of confusion and chaos. On April 10, Peru canceled the controversial policy. However, as far as we know, Panama has continued its implementation, and since the end of April, Colombia’s capital city, Bogota has decided to implement a similar policy. These failed and discriminatory policies are unfortunately part of a pattern of transphobia which COVID-19 has exacerbated or has brought to everyone’s attention: lack of access to health care, harassment by the public as well as police forces, and fear to report any abuses

         When the remains of Victor Calderón’s son were returned to him after the Venezuelan prison riot that reportedly killed 47 inmates, the remains were numbered “128” suggesting a much higher, unknown death toll. The anarchy is said to have been provoked by abusive guards stealing food from inmates in addition to the deplorable, barbaric conditions the inmates are forced to endure. Prison riots are not out of the norm in Latin American countries, where power is often held by crime groups with the consent of the guards and wardens, and a high percentage of inmates are still awaiting trial without having received a conviction. While governments scramble to protect themselves from the Novel Coronavirus, prisoners are among the minority groups being forgotten. In response, riots have broken out in prisons across Peru where convicted politicians are being released to avoid the virus, Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, and Colombia, where the prisons have become the epicenter of the Covid outbreak. Over 580,000 detainees from 80 countries have been authorized for release, which is only 5% of the prisoners in those countries. Few of them have actually been released.

            In a matter of two weeks, numerous countries in Latin America and the Caribbean declared national lockdowns due to the unprecedented and challenging COVID-19 pandemic. Despite its differences, the many national lockdowns dramatically transformed all government communication and functions to exclusively virtual messaging within a matter of days. Given the abrupt change of communication format as well as the lack of preparedness and resources, governments in the region had to learn a new set of rules and dynamics which consequently have exacerbated issues of disinformation, lack of transparency, and accountability especially towards the most vulnerable communities. 

May 23, 2019

Abstract: Outcasts among Undesirables: Palestinian Refugees in Brazil between Humanitarianism and Nationalism

:::::: Abstract ::::::



Outcasts among Undesirables: Palestinian Refugees in Brazil between Humanitarianism and Nationalism


by Leonardo Schiocchet


The plan for the resettlement of 117 Palestinian refugees from Iraq in Brazil in 2007 involved the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the Brazilian government, and so-called civil society, including international nongovernmental organizations. These refugees had already developed a reputation in the Rwayshed refugee camp for being “undesirable” in comparison with other local refugees and unfit for refuge elsewhere. Examination of the principles of integration and tutelage in the light of this double rejection places in perspective the supposed apolitical character of humanitarianism and shows how mythical-ideological notions of Brazilianness helped to reinforce and reproduce stereotypes associated with Palestinians.

El plan para el reasentamiento de 117 refugiados palestinos de Irak en Brasil involucró al Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados, el gobierno brasileño y la llamada sociedad civil, incluidas las organizaciones internacionales no gubernamentales. Estos refugiados ya habían adquirido una reputación en el campo de refugiados de Rwayshed por ser “indeseables” en comparación con otros refugiados locales y no aptos para refugiarse en otros lugares. El examen de los principios de integración y tutela a la luz de este doble rechazo pone en perspectiva el supuesto carácter apolítico del humanitarismo y muestra cómo las nociones mítico-ideológicas de lo brasileño ayudaron a reforzar y reproducir los estereotipos asociados con los palestinos.


November 25, 2016

Political Report # 1202 Haiti's never-ending nightmare grows longer



Residents return to their crumbling homes after Hurricane Matthew strikes Haiti





By By Edna Bonhomme, Socialist Worker


HAITI IS enduring another not-so-natural disaster in the aftermath of Hurricane Matthew.
With winds reaching 145 miles an hour, the storm wrecked homes, communities and lives, particularly along Haiti's southwestern coast. Estimates of the death toll have reached as high as 900, but most news sources acknowledge that this number is sure to rise.
The storm caused havoc along the Florida and Carolina coast in the U.S., making landfall this Saturday. But the death toll will be nowhere near as high as in Haiti, where the violence of the storm was intensified by man-made factors that are many decades old.
The world's most powerful governments, especially the U.S., have inflicted suffering on Haitians throughout several centuries and up to the present day--when the Obama administration announced, as the Matthew was battering the Caribbean, that it would increase the number of Haitian refugees deported from the U.S. during the rest of the year.

March 11, 2016

Political Report # 1125 ICE's War on Refugees By Nick Tabor, Jacobin




A protest against ICE in 2013. Bonnie Gutierrez / Flickr




By Nick Tabor, Jacobin



From the time that she fled from El Salvador and was picked up at the US border, Ana Silvia Orellana Urias wore an ankle monitor so the immigration police could track her between check-in dates. On January 2, when immigration agents surrounded her house and she awoke to them banging on the door, she was living just outside Atlanta with her four children. The agents said they'd only come because of her ankle monitor. She was confused - she'd just changed the batteries. When she tried to call her lawyer, an agent reportedly seized her phone.
Then they rounded up Urias and her children and sent them to a jail in south Texas, where she said an agent tried to make her sign a paper agreeing to be deported.
Hers is one of twenty-eight families the federal government arrested over New Year's weekend, in a series of deportation raids intended to scare off other would-be asylum seekers from Central America. News of similar arrests has trickled in since, and the secretary of homeland security has pledged to keep them up indefinitely.
In reaction to the roundups, activists across the country have launched a social media campaign, "Know Your Rights" workshops, and street protests in at least ten cities. On the legal front, attorneys have set up a makeshift bureau in the Texas jail where deportees are being housed and halted the deportation of a dozen families. Other attorneys are investigating possible civil rights abuses during the raids.

February 29, 2016

Political Report # 1120 Did Secretary of State Hillary Clinton Enable the Coup in Honduras? By Robert Naiman





Political Report # 1120


Did Secretary of State Hillary Clinton Enable the Coup in Honduras?




By Robert Naiman
Policy Director, Just Foreign Policy
through Huffpost Politics


On June 28, 2009, when Hillary Clinton was Secretary of State, democratically elected Honduran President Manuel Zelaya was overthrown by a military coup. The United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States condemned the coup, and on July 5, Honduras was suspended from the OAS.
Under longstanding and clear-cut U.S. law, all U.S. aid to Honduras except democracy assistance, including all military aid, should have been immediately suspended following the coup.
On August 7, fifteen House Democrats, led by Rep. Raúl Grijalva, sent a letter to the Administration which began, "As you know, on June 28th, 2009 a military coup took place in Honduras," and said: "The State Department should fully acknowledge that a military coup has taken place and follow through with the total suspension of non-humanitarian aid, as required by law."
Why wasn't U.S. aid to Honduras suspended following the coup? The justification given by Clinton's State Department on August 25 for not suspending U.S. aid to Honduras was that events in Honduras were murky and it was not clear whether a coup had taken place. Clinton's State Department claimed that State Department lawyers were studying the murky question of whether a coup had taken place.
This justification was a lie, and Clinton's State Department knew it was a lie. By July 24, 2009, the State Department, including Secretary Clinton, knew clearly that the action of the Honduran military to remove President Zelaya on June 28, 2009 constituted a coup. On July 24, U.S. Ambassador to Honduras Hugo Llorens sent a cable to top U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Clinton, with subject: "Open and Shut: The Case of the Honduran Coup," thoroughly documenting the assertion that "there is no doubt" that the events of June 28 "constituted an illegal and unconstitutional coup."
Why did Clinton's State Department lie and pretend that it was murky whether a coup had taken place when it knew the fact that a coup had taken place was clear-cut? Because Hillary Clinton wanted the coup to succeed. Clinton's strategy to help the coup succeed, as revealed in her emails, was "delay, delay, delay," as Donald Trump might say. Delay any action that might help force the coup government to stand down and allow the democratically elected President to be restored to office. As she later confessed in her book, her goal was to "render the question of [President] Zelaya moot."
Today, the rule of law in Honduras still has not recovered from the coup that Secretary Clinton helped enable. That's a key reason that refugees have fled Honduras to the United States, only to find themselves hunted by the Department of Homeland Security raids that Secretary Clinton supported before she opposed them.
President Obama is going to visit Cuba, and that's wonderful. Ending the embargo and normalizing relations with Cuba is a key step the U.S. must take to restore normal relations with Latin America. But it's not the only change we need. There is a two hundred year legacy of U.S. military intervention and subversion in Latin America that didn't stop in January 2009. It's hard to have confidence that former Secretary Clinton will end this legacy as President when she used her power as Secretary of State to turn the clock backwards.


Original article can be found at:
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/robert-naiman/secretary-of-state-hillar_b_9273712.html

July 2, 2015

Political Report # 1051 This Morning, Hundreds of Thousands in the Dominican Republic Woke Up Stateless By Amalia Perez, Research Associate at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs


                                     

                           Featured Photo: Dominican Flag

Beginning this week, the Dominican government will move forward with the deportation of an estimated 210,000 allegedly Haitian refugees living in the Dominican Republic (DR). A large majority of them have lived in the Dominican Republic for generations, have never visited Haiti or spoken Creole, or were brought over from Haiti as children.[1] They will be rendered stateless under the DR’s draconian immigration laws, which targets and expels those “dark-skinned Dominicans with Haitian facial features” who cannot prove, with birth certificates or citizenship papers, they legally belong in the DR.[2]

The Dominican government has been creating a stateless underclass out of those of Haitian descent for decades, however, the decision to deport them in massive premeditated quantities-despite fervent opposition by foreign governments and international legal and humanitarian bodies-is a decisive escalation from structural violence to physical violence at the hands of President Danilo Medina’s government. The prevalence of antihaitanismo, a pejorative ideology which “serves elite interests well and has even been accepted by the great majority of the Dominican people as part of their political culture”, has its roots in the era of Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo, whose regime infamously warned against “Haitianizing influences, whose consequences will always be extremely fatal for Dominican society.”[3] This ideology pulsed throughout the Parsley Massacre of 1937, in which the Trujillo regime murdered upwards of 20,000 alleged Haitians on the basis of whether or not they could trill the “r” in perejil, the Spanish term for parsley-a perverse semantic exercise that often proved morbid for native Haitian Creole speakers.[4]