Abstract: Evolving Relationships: Nicaragua, Israel, and the Palestinians

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Evolving Relationships: Nicaragua, Israel, and the Palestinians

by Marshall Yurow

Nicaragua occupies a special place in the Israeli-Palestinian impact on Latin America. Israeli–Somoza Dynasty ties and Palestinian-Sandinista ties have been well documented over the past 35 years. Yet while the facts are available, the interpretations are still fiercely debated. Both relationships have been portrayed largely in polemical terms. The Israeli-Somoza relationship was viewed as a pariah-state alliance or a “debt of honor.” The Sandinista-Palestinian relationship was viewed as a terrorist connection or brotherhood against a common enemy. Both relationships were seen as static when in fact, having begun as realpolitik, they evolved over time.

Nicaragua ocupa un lugar especial en cuanto al impacto israelí-palestino en América Latina. Los lazos israelí-dinastía Somoza y los vínculos palestino-Sandinistas han sido bien documentados en los últimos 35 años. Sin embargo, aunque los hechos están conocidos, las interpretaciones siguen intensamente debatidas. Ambas relaciones han sido presentadas en gran medida en términos polémicos. La relación israelí-Somoza fue vista como una alianza de estados parias o una “deuda de honor.” La relación Sandinista-palestina fue vista como una conexión terrorista o hermandad contra un enemigo común. Ambas relaciones se consideraron estáticas cuando, de hecho, comenzando como realpolitik, evolucionaron con el tiempo.

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Abstract: Pacification, Capital Accumulation, and Resistance in Settler Colonial Cities: The Cases of Jerusalem and Rio de Janeiro

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Pacification, Capital Accumulation, and Resistance in Settler Colonial Cities: The Cases of Jerusalem and Rio de Janeiro

by Bruno Huberman and Reginaldo Mattar Nasser

Approaching urban social conflicts in Brazil and in Palestine/Israel in terms of settler colonial theory allows the identification of the historical racist structures involved in the violent pacification of racialized native populations. Settler colonialism does not end with the declaration of independence but persists in the postcolonial context through the constant expropriation, extermination, confinement, and assimilation of racialized populations in the service of capitalist accumulation by settler elites. The cases of Jerusalem and Rio de Janeiro exemplify this process.

Analisando conflitos urbanos sociais no Brasil e na Palestina com respeito à teoria de colonização permite a identificação das estruturas racistas históricas envolvidas na pacificação violenta de populações nativas. O colonialismo não termina com a declaração de independência. Ele persiste no contexto pós-colonial por meio de constantes expropriações, extermínio, encarceramento e assimilação das populações nativas. Tudo a serviço da acumulação capitalista das elites colonizadoras. Os casos de Jerusalém e Rio de Janeiro ilustram esse processo.

Abstract: Brazil-Israel Relations and the Marketing of Urban Security Expertise

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Brazil-Israel Relations and the Marketing of Urban Security Expertise

by Erella Grassiani and Frank Müller

The transnational (re)making of contemporary urban pacification practices, discourses, and technologies between Brazil and Israel is underpinned by coercive entanglements. The Israeli experience with the occupation of the Palestinian territories has brought the Israel Defense Forces and the country’s private security industry international recognition for their urban warfare skills and related security technologies; Brazil has recently gained international recognition for urban pacification efforts that emphasize the country’s military’s ability to combine “hard” and “soft” skills, thereby foregrounding the nexus of military and humanitarian forms of engagement on urban battlefields. Empirical findings framed by critical scholarship on pacification demonstrate how recent shifts in the military and diplomatic relations between the two countries seek to symbolically capitalize on their own and each other’s urban warfare experiences to promote themselves as security experts capable of addressing a range of future urban threat scenarios—from urban warfare to antigang and antiriot policing and peacekeeping.

A reorganização transnacional das práticas, discursos e tecnologias de urbanização contemporânea entre Brasil e Israel são movidas por envolvimento coercitivo. A experiência israelense de ocupação dos territórios palestinos trouxe prestígio internacional às Forças de Defesa Israelense, bem como à indústria de segurança particular do país, em virtude de tecnologia de combate urbano. Brasil recentemente alcançou reconhecimento internacional pelos esforços de pacificação urbana, que enfatizam a habilidade das forças armadas do país em combinar “soft and hard skills”, criando assim um nexo de interação militar e humanitário no campo de batalha urbano. Observações produzidas em moldura crítica acadêmica sobre pacificação demonstram de que modo mudanças recentes nas relações diplomática e militar dos dois países visam capitalizar simbolicamente as experiências respectivas para promoverem a si mesmos como especialistas em segurança capazes de tratar uma variedade de cenários urbanos de risco—desde a guerra urbana contra gangs até o policiamento de manifestações.

Abstract: The Palestinian Diaspora and Latin American Solidarity with the Palestinian Cause: Brazil as a Model

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The Palestinian Diaspora and Latin American Solidarity with the Palestinian Cause: Brazil as a Model

by Rasem Bisharat

The Palestinian diaspora and Arab communities in Latin America, especially in Brazil, have contributed significantly to the Palestinian cause in Latin America. The convergence between these communities and union and left parties encouraged the left to include the Palestinian cause on its agenda. Brazil may be considered a model in this respect because of the influence of its Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT), which led the Latin American left after the founding of the São Paulo Forum in 1992. The Palestinian community has an even greater role to play today, the more so since the PT’s exclusion from power favors Israel at the expense of the Palestinian cause.

A diáspora palestina e as comunidades árabes na América Latina, especialmente no Brasil, teem contribuído significativamente para a causa palestina na América Latina. A convergência entre essas comunidades, sindicatos e partidos de esquerda levou a esquerda a incluir a causa palestina em sua agenda. O Brasil pode ser considerado um modelo nesse aspecto devido à influência do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), que liderou a esquerda latino-americana após a fundação do Fórum de São Paulo em 1992. A comunidade palestina tem uma relevância ainda maior já que a perda de poder do PT favorece Israel em detrimento da causa palestina.

Abstract: Outcasts among Undesirables: Palestinian Refugees in Brazil between Humanitarianism and Nationalism

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Outcasts among Undesirables: Palestinian Refugees in Brazil between Humanitarianism and Nationalism

by Leonardo Schiocchet

The plan for the resettlement of 117 Palestinian refugees from Iraq in Brazil in 2007 involved the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the Brazilian government, and so-called civil society, including international nongovernmental organizations. These refugees had already developed a reputation in the Rwayshed refugee camp for being “undesirable” in comparison with other local refugees and unfit for refuge elsewhere. Examination of the principles of integration and tutelage in the light of this double rejection places in perspective the supposed apolitical character of humanitarianism and shows how mythical-ideological notions of Brazilianness helped to reinforce and reproduce stereotypes associated with Palestinians.

El plan para el reasentamiento de 117 refugiados palestinos de Irak en Brasil involucró al Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados, el gobierno brasileño y la llamada sociedad civil, incluidas las organizaciones internacionales no gubernamentales. Estos refugiados ya habían adquirido una reputación en el campo de refugiados de Rwayshed por ser “indeseables” en comparación con otros refugiados locales y no aptos para refugiarse en otros lugares. El examen de los principios de integración y tutela a la luz de este doble rechazo pone en perspectiva el supuesto carácter apolítico del humanitarismo y muestra cómo las nociones mítico-ideológicas de lo brasileño ayudaron a reforzar y reproducir los estereotipos asociados con los palestinos.

Abstract: An Old Diaspora: Histories of Militancy by Palestinians with a Northeastern Accent

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An Old Diaspora: Histories of Militancy by Palestinians with a Northeastern Accent

by Luciana Garcia de Oliveira

Most of the Palestinians who arrived in the cities of Northeastern Brazil came during the time of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century, especially after the travels of Emperor Dom Pedro II. The arrival of Palestinians before the founding of the State of Israel in 1948 made many Palestinians and their descendants indifferent to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The situation changed in the 1980s as a result of the worsening situation of Palestinians in Lebanon, when the Palestine-Brazil Cultural Center was established in the city of Olinda, Pernambuco, and the deputy Raymundo Asfora made many speeches in defense of the Palestinian cause. These militant actions served as an inspiration for new generations of Palestinians born in Brazil.

A maioria dos palestinos que chegaram à algumas cidades do nordeste brasileiro vieram durante a vigência do Império Turco Otomano, em pleno século XIX, sobretudo após as viagens do imperador do Brasil, Dom Pedro II ao Oriente Médio. A chegada dos palestinos antes da fundação do Estado de Israel (1948) foi determinante para que muitos palestinos e descentes fossem indiferentes ao conflito Israel-Palestina. A situação mudou, mais tarde, na década de 1980, durante o agravamento da situação dos palestinos no Líbano. Foi inaugurado o Centro Cultural Palestina-Brasil na cidade de Olinda, PE, e o deputado Raymundo Asfora realizava muitos discursos públicos em defesa da causa palestina. Essas ações militantes serviram de inspiração para as novas gerações de palestinos nascidos no Brasil.

Abstract: Progressive Jews in Argentina and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Stances on the Six-Day War (1967) by Emmanuel Nicolás Kahan

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Progressive Jews in Argentina and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Stances on the Six-Day War (1967)

by Emmanuel Nicolás Kahan

Since the 1947 United Nations resolution on the partition of Palestine and, subsequently, the Israeli Declaration of Independence in 1948, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has played a powerful role in Argentine public space that has not found a concomitant response in academia. The stance with regard to the 1967 Six-Day War taken by an institution that promotes itself as representative of progressive Argentine Jews, the Idisher Cultur Farband (Argentine Federation of Jewish Cultural Institutions—ICUF), undermined certain meanings, ties of solidarity, and modes of representation held by a diversity of actors regarding the existence and legitimacy of the State of Israel.

Desde la resolución de 1947 de las Naciones Unidas sobre la partición de Palestina y, posteriormente, la Declaración de Independencia de Israel en 1948, el problema israelí-palestino ha desempeñado un papel importante en el espacio público argentino que no ha encontrado una respuesta concomitante en el mundo académico. La postura con respecto a la Guerra de los Seis Días de 1967 tomada por una institución que se promueve a sí misma como representante de los judíos progresistas argentinos, el Idisher Cultur Farband (Federación Argentina de Instituciones Culturales Judías—ICUF), socavó ciertos significados, vínculos de solidaridad y modos de representación de una diversidad de actores con respecto a la existencia y legitimidad del Estado de Israel.

Abstract: Metamorphoses of 1968: Latin America and the Israel-Palestine Question in Tomás Abraham’s La dificultad (2015)

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Metamorphoses of 1968: Latin America and the Israel-Palestine Question in Tomás Abraham’s La dificultad (2015)

by Stephanie M. Pridgeon

Throughout Tomás Abraham’s novel of ideas La dificultad, Judaism is revealed to be central to the protagonist’s understandings of revolutionary politics, philosophy, and his own identity. As is apparent in his affinity with Palestinian causes as a form of anti-imperialist solidarity, life experiences and politics are inseparable. That Abraham should have chosen to focus this autobiographical novel on the Hungarian-Argentine Jewish narrator’s experiences with the Paris student movements of 1968 suggests that revolutionary movements and the challenges to the global Jewish community continue to affect his identity as a Jew, an Argentine, and a philosopher.

A lo largo de la novela de ideas de Tomás Abraham La dificultad, se revela el rol central del judaísmo en como el protagonista entiende la política revolucionaria, la filosofía y su propia identidad. Como es evidente en su afinidad con las causas palestinas como una forma de solidaridad antiimperialista, las experiencias de vida y la política son inseparables. El hecho de que Abraham eligió enfocar esta novela autobiográfica en las experiencias del narrador judío húngaro-argentino con los movimientos estudiantiles de París de 1968 sugiere que los movimientos revolucionarios y los desafíos a la comunidad judía global continúan afectando su identidad como judío, argentino y filósofo.

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Uruguay’s Stance on the Palestinian Problem at the United Nations and the Creation of the State of Israel

by Fernando Adrover Orellano

Examination of documents on the decision-making process that accounts for the pro-Zionist stance of the Uruguayan delegation at the United Nations during the debate on Palestine reveals that the position coincides with the pro-Zionist consensus among local political groups and was influenced by the local Jewish community lobby and its contacts with government representatives.

Un examen de los documentos sobre el proceso de toma de decisiones que explica la postura pro-sionista de la delegación uruguaya en las Naciones Unidas durante el debate sobre Palestina revela que la posición coincide con el consenso pro-sionista entre los grupos políticos locales y fue influenciada por el lobby de la comunidad judía local y sus contactos con representantes del gobierno.

Introduction, Israel, Palestine, and Latin America: Conflictual Relationships

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Israel, Palestine, and Latin America: Conflictual Relationships

by Ronaldo Munck and Pablo Pozzi

Latin American studies were not immune to the “Palestinian question” in the past, but there has been renewed interest since the launch, in response to a call from Palestinian civil society in 2005, of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement, which has attracted exponentially growing support among Latin American academic and intellectual institutions and associations. Popular organizations and civil society organizations have also begun to support it. Another strand of boycotts, popular among Jewish communities, has emerged that is not associated with the official BDS campaign but supports selective actions such as those targeting the Israeli blockade of Palestine or settlements on land lying outside of the June 1967 Israeli borders.

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May 2019 LAP issue - Israel, Palestine, and Latin America: Conflictual Relationships

Israel, Palestine, and Latin America: Conflictual Relationships Edited by Pablo Pozzi and Ronaldo Munck

Issue 226 | Volume 46 | Number 3 | May 2019

Table of Contents This issue of Latin American Perspectives represents a step toward a better understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a Latin American context. The articles cover a range of historical and current topics and show that Arab and Jewish histories are an integral part of Latin American history, that Latin America has been an important actor in the conflict over Palestine, and that the issue is being played out today in ever-changing circumstances.  Historical topics address how specific Latin American countries dealt with the creation of Israel and the Six-Day War while other articles consider more recent topics including the role and treatment of the Palestinian diaspora and Israeli marketing of urban security expertise.

LISTEN TO THE PODCAST! Alexander Scott, Outreach Coordinator for Latin American Perspectives, interviews co-issue editor Pablo Pozzi on the subject of this issue. CLICK HERE to listen to the podcast! You can also listen to past podcasts by clicking here!

Abstract, Israel, Palestine, and Latin America: Conflictual Relationships by Ronaldo Munck and Pablo Pozzi

:::::: Abstract ::::::

Israel, Palestine, and Latin America: Conflictual Relationships

by Ronaldo Munck and Pablo Pozzi

Latin American studies were not immune to the “Palestinian question” in the past, but there has been renewed interest since the launch, in response to a call from Palestinian civil society in 2005, of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement, which has attracted exponentially growing support among Latin American academic and intellectual institutions and associations. Popular organizations and civil society organizations have also begun to support it. Another strand of boycotts, popular among Jewish communities, has emerged that is not associated with the official BDS campaign but supports selective actions such as those targeting the Israeli blockade of Palestine or settlements on land lying outside of the June 1967 Israeli borders.