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(September 2015)
by Manuel Larrabure and
Carlos Torchia
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Showing posts with label September 2015 Issue. Show all posts
Showing posts with label September 2015 Issue. Show all posts
September 29, 2016
Free Limited Access, The 2011 Chilean Student Movement and the Struggle for a New Left
November 16, 2015
Abstract, Biofuels: Socio-environmental Violence in Rural Mexico by Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo and Blanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo and Blanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte
The production of biofuels in Mexico is a fledging project. Lack of planning, the obstacles presented by PEMEX, and the resistance of small farmers have limited their production. Even at this stage, however, some of its effects are increasingly clear: its socio-environmental violence affects the natural resources of peasants and indigenous communities. In addition, Mexico’s trade relationship with the United States, characterized by strong dependency, has affected its food sovereignty in that corn imports have become more expensive because of the increase in U.S. production of corn-derived ethanol.
by Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo and Blanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte
The production of biofuels in Mexico is a fledging project. Lack of planning, the obstacles presented by PEMEX, and the resistance of small farmers have limited their production. Even at this stage, however, some of its effects are increasingly clear: its socio-environmental violence affects the natural resources of peasants and indigenous communities. In addition, Mexico’s trade relationship with the United States, characterized by strong dependency, has affected its food sovereignty in that corn imports have become more expensive because of the increase in U.S. production of corn-derived ethanol.
November 13, 2015
Abstract, Social Environmental Mining Conflicts in Mexico by Darcy Tetreault
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Darcy Tetreault
Examination of social environmental conflicts around mining in Mexico indicates that neoliberal reforms have facilitated “accumulation by dispossession,” first by transferring public resources in the form of mineral rights and state-run mining companies to the private sector and second by dispossessing smallholder farmers and indigenous communities of their land, water, and cultural landscapes in order to allow mining companies to carry out their activities. The resistance movements that have emerged to confront this dispossession are led on the local level by people whose livelihoods, health, and cultures are threatened by large-scale mining projects. They reflect “the environmentalism of the poor” in that they seek to keep natural resources outside of the sphere of the capitalist mode of production.
by Darcy Tetreault
Examination of social environmental conflicts around mining in Mexico indicates that neoliberal reforms have facilitated “accumulation by dispossession,” first by transferring public resources in the form of mineral rights and state-run mining companies to the private sector and second by dispossessing smallholder farmers and indigenous communities of their land, water, and cultural landscapes in order to allow mining companies to carry out their activities. The resistance movements that have emerged to confront this dispossession are led on the local level by people whose livelihoods, health, and cultures are threatened by large-scale mining projects. They reflect “the environmentalism of the poor” in that they seek to keep natural resources outside of the sphere of the capitalist mode of production.
November 9, 2015
Abstract, Environmental Violence in Mexico: A Conceptual Introduction by Nemer E. Narchi
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Nemer E. Narchi
In December 2010 Mexico hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Cancún, Quintana Roo. The conference intentionally crossed World Forest Day, celebrated on December 5, and this gave Felipe Calderón, then president of Mexico and current chairman of the World Resource Institute’s Global Commission on the Economy and Climate, an opportunity to urge the nations of the world to save the world’s forests. In his speech on that day (Calderón-Hinojosa, 2010) he urged peasants to abandon their traditional agriculture in favor of environmental-services payments, arguing that a year’s harvest would not be nearly as productive of income as the US$30–100 per hectare per year they would derive from being compensated for not planting.
by Nemer E. Narchi
In December 2010 Mexico hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Cancún, Quintana Roo. The conference intentionally crossed World Forest Day, celebrated on December 5, and this gave Felipe Calderón, then president of Mexico and current chairman of the World Resource Institute’s Global Commission on the Economy and Climate, an opportunity to urge the nations of the world to save the world’s forests. In his speech on that day (Calderón-Hinojosa, 2010) he urged peasants to abandon their traditional agriculture in favor of environmental-services payments, arguing that a year’s harvest would not be nearly as productive of income as the US$30–100 per hectare per year they would derive from being compensated for not planting.
November 6, 2015
Abstract, The 2011 Chilean Student Movement and the Struggle for a New Left by Manuel Larrabure and Carlos Torchia
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Manuel Larrabure and Carlos Torchia
The Chilean student movement that began in early 2011 poses a significant challenge to Chilean neoliberalism and is beginning to reconfigure left politics within the country. Specifically, the movement’s demands for free education and public control of strategic domestic industries strikes at the heart of neoliberalism in Chile. In addition, in emphasizing the importance of participatory democracy and mass participation, the movement goes beyond the boundaries of the established left and is now struggling to create a new left capable of furthering its political goals. This emerging left roughly fits within the politics of autonomism. In doing so, it displays a break from the experiences of twentieth-century left politics and is consistent with other recent movements in Latin America. However, the student movement in Chile risks co-optation by the established political class. In addition, the autonomous left remains small and lacks a coherent alternative to neoliberalism with broad appeal. Therefore, the victory of Michelle Bachelet and the Nueva Mayoría in the 2013 elections is unlikely to result in substantial changes to neoliberalism in Chile.
by Manuel Larrabure and Carlos Torchia
The Chilean student movement that began in early 2011 poses a significant challenge to Chilean neoliberalism and is beginning to reconfigure left politics within the country. Specifically, the movement’s demands for free education and public control of strategic domestic industries strikes at the heart of neoliberalism in Chile. In addition, in emphasizing the importance of participatory democracy and mass participation, the movement goes beyond the boundaries of the established left and is now struggling to create a new left capable of furthering its political goals. This emerging left roughly fits within the politics of autonomism. In doing so, it displays a break from the experiences of twentieth-century left politics and is consistent with other recent movements in Latin America. However, the student movement in Chile risks co-optation by the established political class. In addition, the autonomous left remains small and lacks a coherent alternative to neoliberalism with broad appeal. Therefore, the victory of Michelle Bachelet and the Nueva Mayoría in the 2013 elections is unlikely to result in substantial changes to neoliberalism in Chile.
November 2, 2015
Abstract, Tourism and Political Choices of Indigenous Populations in Yucatán by Heather Hawn and Jennifer Tison
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Heather Hawn and Jennifer Tison
Anthropologists and other social scientists have traditionally decried the effects of tourism on exotic cultures, but contemporary research reveals that this growing resource is being utilized by rational actors to achieve political and social gains. Study of the effects of tourism on the political choices of Maya in Yucatán suggests that tourism helps indigenous actors negotiate favorable terms with state and private actors. Further, the presence of tourists reorganizes the costs and benefits of behaviors such as protests or land invasions. Thus this extrainstitutional behavior is more prevalent in the largest tourist areas (Cancún, Mérida, and Chichén Itzá) and covert behaviors such as pilfering and sick-outs in nontourist areas.
Anthropologists and other social scientists have traditionally decried the effects of tourism on exotic cultures, but contemporary research reveals that this growing resource is being utilized by rational actors to achieve political and social gains. Study of the effects of tourism on the political choices of Maya in Yucatán suggests that tourism helps indigenous actors negotiate favorable terms with state and private actors. Further, the presence of tourists reorganizes the costs and benefits of behaviors such as protests or land invasions. Thus this extrainstitutional behavior is more prevalent in the largest tourist areas (Cancún, Mérida, and Chichén Itzá) and covert behaviors such as pilfering and sick-outs in nontourist areas.
October 30, 2015
Abstract, Suma qamaña in Bolivia: Indigenous Understandings of Well-being and Their Contribution to a Post-Neoliberal Paradigm by Kepa Artaraz and Melania Calestani
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Kepa Artaraz and Melania Calestani
In recent decades there has been increasing interest in academic, governmental, and nongovernmental circles worldwide in developing universal definitions of well-being. Governments have progressively shifted their policies on this concept and are currently engaged in improving the well-being of their populations. Bolivia’s concept of suma qamaña (living well together) is broader than “well-being,” emphasizing the importance of harmonious relations between nature and human beings and providing an important link to sustainability that current conceptions of well-being fail to make. Exploring the concept is highly relevant at this historical moment because the Morales government is engaged in a wide-ranging process of social transformation to implement it. Its translation into public policy and the adoption of a development model consistent with it have proved problematic. While the introduction of the concept into the National Development Plan, the new constitution, and the Law of Mother Earth has addressed the need to move from individualized understandings of well-being to collective ones, the government has not overcome the conflict between growth-driven approaches and sustainability that is inherent in all its legislation. Moreover, understandings of the concept are constantly being negotiated and transformed, calling for an understanding of it that is rooted in people’s practices and beliefs rather than in theoretical constructions.
by Kepa Artaraz and Melania Calestani
In recent decades there has been increasing interest in academic, governmental, and nongovernmental circles worldwide in developing universal definitions of well-being. Governments have progressively shifted their policies on this concept and are currently engaged in improving the well-being of their populations. Bolivia’s concept of suma qamaña (living well together) is broader than “well-being,” emphasizing the importance of harmonious relations between nature and human beings and providing an important link to sustainability that current conceptions of well-being fail to make. Exploring the concept is highly relevant at this historical moment because the Morales government is engaged in a wide-ranging process of social transformation to implement it. Its translation into public policy and the adoption of a development model consistent with it have proved problematic. While the introduction of the concept into the National Development Plan, the new constitution, and the Law of Mother Earth has addressed the need to move from individualized understandings of well-being to collective ones, the government has not overcome the conflict between growth-driven approaches and sustainability that is inherent in all its legislation. Moreover, understandings of the concept are constantly being negotiated and transformed, calling for an understanding of it that is rooted in people’s practices and beliefs rather than in theoretical constructions.
October 26, 2015
Abstract, Clientelism a Stumbling Block for Democratization?: Lessons from Mexico by Kristin Seffer
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Kristin Seffer
Clientelism is a form of social conflict management and as such is more than mere vote buying or a way of undermining rational-legal systems. Integrating clientelism into the debate over the transition to democracy makes it possible to explain the outcomes of stagnating political transition processes. Under the condition of labor surplus, clientelism hinders political inclusion by undermining the class-based organizations that might challenge the privileged access of the elite to resources. Consideration of clientelism helps explain the case of Mexico, which has been classified as a deviant case in transition research because two transition processes there, at the beginning and the end of the twentieth century, did not end in complete democratization.
Clientelism is a form of social conflict management and as such is more than mere vote buying or a way of undermining rational-legal systems. Integrating clientelism into the debate over the transition to democracy makes it possible to explain the outcomes of stagnating political transition processes. Under the condition of labor surplus, clientelism hinders political inclusion by undermining the class-based organizations that might challenge the privileged access of the elite to resources. Consideration of clientelism helps explain the case of Mexico, which has been classified as a deviant case in transition research because two transition processes there, at the beginning and the end of the twentieth century, did not end in complete democratization.
October 23, 2015
Abstract, The Struggle for the Meaning of Dissent: Toward the Social Deconstruction of Dissent as a Crime by Alejandro Cerda García
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Alejandro Cerda García
Political dissent, a significant part of any democratic process, must be understood not only as a historical and social construction but also from a structural and relational perspective. Social movements and organizations, especially autonomist indigenous ones, attempt to persuade the public that dissent is a right and a proper form for thinking about the political. The social construction of dissent as a crime not only is promoted by state regimes but also seeks to be accepted, legitimated, and sustained by the society. Socially deconstructing it requires considering the law as a historical production, connecting its analysis to legitimacy, and recognizing its ideological and fictional dimension and the influence of structural conditions such as the organization of production.
Political dissent, a significant part of any democratic process, must be understood not only as a historical and social construction but also from a structural and relational perspective. Social movements and organizations, especially autonomist indigenous ones, attempt to persuade the public that dissent is a right and a proper form for thinking about the political. The social construction of dissent as a crime not only is promoted by state regimes but also seeks to be accepted, legitimated, and sustained by the society. Socially deconstructing it requires considering the law as a historical production, connecting its analysis to legitimacy, and recognizing its ideological and fictional dimension and the influence of structural conditions such as the organization of production.
October 19, 2015
Abstract, The Ups and Downs of an Uncomfortable Legacy: The Complicated Dialogue between Gramsci and the Latin American Left by Raúl Burgos
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Raúl Burgos
The ideas originating in Antonio Gramsci’s politico-theoretical work, in a multifaceted itinerary departing from a purely ethical matrix, have developed in Latin America into a sophisticated theoretical formulation focused on the theory of hegemony. The emergence of this formulation marks the beginning of a complex process of reformulation of the classic paradigms of the left, producing a drastic change in thinking about the logic of social transformation in Latin America. With this shift the issues of strategic design and the transformational process began to undergo thorough debate. The theoretical tasks presented by the current development of Gramscian thought toward the construction of a comprehensive theory of hegemony include the classical political and cultural dimension and the productive dimension of hegemonic actions.
The ideas originating in Antonio Gramsci’s politico-theoretical work, in a multifaceted itinerary departing from a purely ethical matrix, have developed in Latin America into a sophisticated theoretical formulation focused on the theory of hegemony. The emergence of this formulation marks the beginning of a complex process of reformulation of the classic paradigms of the left, producing a drastic change in thinking about the logic of social transformation in Latin America. With this shift the issues of strategic design and the transformational process began to undergo thorough debate. The theoretical tasks presented by the current development of Gramscian thought toward the construction of a comprehensive theory of hegemony include the classical political and cultural dimension and the productive dimension of hegemonic actions.
October 12, 2015
Abstract, The Struggle for Life: Socio-environmental Conflicts in Mexico by Víctor M. Toledo, David Garrido, and Narciso Barrera-Bassols
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Víctor M. Toledo, David Garrido, and Narciso Barrera-Bassols
The global expansion of the neoliberal model is most forcefully expressed in the processes of social, cultural, and environmental predation undertaken by corporations in the so-called Global South. Three pertinent processes are taking place in Mexico: (1) an increase in socio-environmental conflicts, mainly in rural areas and in predominantly indigenous territories; (2) the proliferation of citizen resistance of an essentially communal, municipal, or micro-regional nature; and (3) increased violence against these resistance movements by the government across its three levels (federal, state, and municipal) in complicity (or not) with companies and corporations that are trying to implement projects that damage natural resources, affect the quality of the environment, and destroy cultures and the social fabric.
The global expansion of the neoliberal model is most forcefully expressed in the processes of social, cultural, and environmental predation undertaken by corporations in the so-called Global South. Three pertinent processes are taking place in Mexico: (1) an increase in socio-environmental conflicts, mainly in rural areas and in predominantly indigenous territories; (2) the proliferation of citizen resistance of an essentially communal, municipal, or micro-regional nature; and (3) increased violence against these resistance movements by the government across its three levels (federal, state, and municipal) in complicity (or not) with companies and corporations that are trying to implement projects that damage natural resources, affect the quality of the environment, and destroy cultures and the social fabric.
October 5, 2015
Abstract, Subtle Tyranny: Divergent Constructions of Nature and the Erosion of Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Xochimilco by Nemer E. Narchi and Beatriz Canabal Cristiani
:::::: Abstract ::::::
Abstract: Subtle Tyranny: Divergent Constructions of Nature and the Erosion of Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Xochimilco
by Nemer E. Narchi and Beatriz Canabal Cristiani
Neoliberal reforms and social constructs that legitimate the full exploitation of nature intersect with political power to produce an inherently violent social atmosphere in which economic development is based on exclusion, submission, and dispossession of rural and indigenous communities. Historical ecological study of Lake Xochimilco reveals the way in which imposed constructs of nature that exclude traditional ecological knowledge have transformed landscapes and livelihoods to the detriment of all the inhabitants of Mexico City.
by Nemer E. Narchi and Beatriz Canabal Cristiani
Neoliberal reforms and social constructs that legitimate the full exploitation of nature intersect with political power to produce an inherently violent social atmosphere in which economic development is based on exclusion, submission, and dispossession of rural and indigenous communities. Historical ecological study of Lake Xochimilco reveals the way in which imposed constructs of nature that exclude traditional ecological knowledge have transformed landscapes and livelihoods to the detriment of all the inhabitants of Mexico City.
September 28, 2015
Abstract, BioFuels: Socio-environmental Violence in Rural Mexico by Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo and Blanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Yolanda Cristina Massieu Trigo and Blanca Olivia Acuña Rodarte
The production of biofuels in Mexico is a fledging project. Lack of planning, the obstacles presented by PEMEX, and the resistance of small farmers have limited their production. Even at this stage, however, some of its effects are increasingly clear: its socio-environmental violence affects the natural resources of peasants and indigenous communities. In addition, Mexico’s trade relationship with the United States, characterized by strong dependency, has affected its food sovereignty in that corn imports have become more expensive because of the increase in U.S. production of corn-derived ethanol.
The production of biofuels in Mexico is a fledging project. Lack of planning, the obstacles presented by PEMEX, and the resistance of small farmers have limited their production. Even at this stage, however, some of its effects are increasingly clear: its socio-environmental violence affects the natural resources of peasants and indigenous communities. In addition, Mexico’s trade relationship with the United States, characterized by strong dependency, has affected its food sovereignty in that corn imports have become more expensive because of the increase in U.S. production of corn-derived ethanol.
September 25, 2015
Abstract, Social Environmental Mining Conflicts in Mexico by Darcy Tetreault
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Darcy Tetreault
Examination of social environmental conflicts around mining in Mexico indicates that neoliberal reforms have facilitated “accumulation by dispossession,” first by transferring public resources in the form of mineral rights and state-run mining companies to the private sector and second by dispossessing smallholder farmers and indigenous communities of their land, water, and cultural landscapes in order to allow mining companies to carry out their activities. The resistance movements that have emerged to confront this dispossession are led on the local level by people whose livelihoods, health, and cultures are threatened by large-scale mining projects. They reflect “the environmentalism of the poor” in that they seek to keep natural resources outside of the sphere of the capitalist mode of production.
by Darcy Tetreault
Examination of social environmental conflicts around mining in Mexico indicates that neoliberal reforms have facilitated “accumulation by dispossession,” first by transferring public resources in the form of mineral rights and state-run mining companies to the private sector and second by dispossessing smallholder farmers and indigenous communities of their land, water, and cultural landscapes in order to allow mining companies to carry out their activities. The resistance movements that have emerged to confront this dispossession are led on the local level by people whose livelihoods, health, and cultures are threatened by large-scale mining projects. They reflect “the environmentalism of the poor” in that they seek to keep natural resources outside of the sphere of the capitalist mode of production.
September 24, 2015
Film Review, You Never Know What You Are Filming: Art, Mentorship, and States of Siege by Krisiti M. Wilson
:::::: Film Review ::::::
“You Never Know What You Are Filming”
Art, Mentorship, and States of Siege
by Kristi M. Wilson
Miguel Ángel Vidaurre, Marker ’72: Cartography of a Faceless Filmmaker. Chile, 2012
“You Never Know What You Are Filming”
Art, Mentorship, and States of Siege
by Kristi M. Wilson
Miguel Ángel Vidaurre, Marker ’72: Cartography of a Faceless Filmmaker. Chile, 2012
September 21, 2015
Abstract, Environmental Violence, Water Rights, and (Un) Due Process in Northwestern Mexico by Lucero Radonic
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Lucero Radonic
Water-related struggles worldwide may not involve armed conflict or direct bodily harm, but they are still violent in nature. Over the past century the Yaqui Tribe has continually contested water development plans and challenged distribution schemes, seeking to regain control over its livelihoods and the production of space in its ancestral homeland. In the Mexican state of Sonora we are currently witnessing a new chapter of the violent saga around water access in the Yaqui River valley. In fighting the proposed construction of the Independencia Aqueduct, intended to transfer water from the Yaqui River to the capital city of Hermosillo, the tribe’s struggles for recognition as a rightful resource holder have intensified. Paradoxically, dispossession is justified through an international human rights discourse and the relentless interrogation of indigenous authenticity aimed at delegitimizing Yaqui traditional resource claims.
by Lucero Radonic
Water-related struggles worldwide may not involve armed conflict or direct bodily harm, but they are still violent in nature. Over the past century the Yaqui Tribe has continually contested water development plans and challenged distribution schemes, seeking to regain control over its livelihoods and the production of space in its ancestral homeland. In the Mexican state of Sonora we are currently witnessing a new chapter of the violent saga around water access in the Yaqui River valley. In fighting the proposed construction of the Independencia Aqueduct, intended to transfer water from the Yaqui River to the capital city of Hermosillo, the tribe’s struggles for recognition as a rightful resource holder have intensified. Paradoxically, dispossession is justified through an international human rights discourse and the relentless interrogation of indigenous authenticity aimed at delegitimizing Yaqui traditional resource claims.
September 14, 2015
Introduction, Environmental Violence in Mexico: A Conceptual Introduction by Nemer E. Narchi
:::::: Abstract ::::::
by Nemer E. Narchi
In December 2010 Mexico hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Cancún, Quintana Roo. The conference intentionally crossed World Forest Day, celebrated on December 5, and this gave Felipe Calderón, then president of Mexico and current chairman of the World Resource Institute’s Global Commission on the Economy and Climate, an opportunity to urge the nations of the world to save the world’s forests. In his speech on that day (Calderón-Hinojosa, 2010) he urged peasants to abandon their traditional agriculture in favor of environmental-services payments, arguing that a year’s harvest would not be nearly as productive of income as the US$30–100 per hectare per year they would derive from being compensated for not planting.
by Nemer E. Narchi
In December 2010 Mexico hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Cancún, Quintana Roo. The conference intentionally crossed World Forest Day, celebrated on December 5, and this gave Felipe Calderón, then president of Mexico and current chairman of the World Resource Institute’s Global Commission on the Economy and Climate, an opportunity to urge the nations of the world to save the world’s forests. In his speech on that day (Calderón-Hinojosa, 2010) he urged peasants to abandon their traditional agriculture in favor of environmental-services payments, arguing that a year’s harvest would not be nearly as productive of income as the US$30–100 per hectare per year they would derive from being compensated for not planting.
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