What is at stake in
Ecuador’s election?
by Marc Becker
The last year has been demoralizing for the Latin American
left.
In November 2015, Mauricio Macri
won election as president of Argentina on an openly neoliberal economic
platform, ending twelve years of leftist rule in Argentina. Several weeks
later, voters flipped control of Venezuela’s national assembly to a strident
anti-Chávez but politically incoherent opposition that demanded the recall of
president Nicolás Maduro. In the midst of a trumped up sex scandal, in February
2016 Bolivia’s first Indigenous president Evo Morales lost a referendum that
would have allowed him to run for re-election in 2019. In Brazil, after two
terms under the popular president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Dilma Rousseff
faced a politically motivated impeachment from a conservative legislature that
removed her from office in August 2016 on questionable charges. Her vice
president Michel Temer moved quickly to undo thirteen years of progressive Workers
Party (PT) policies. After a successful first time in office, Chilean president
Michelle Bachelet faced very low poll numbers during her second term. Former
rightwing president Sebastián Piñera appeared positioned to return to office in
2018.
In barely five years, the region
has move an incredible distance from when the political scientist Emir Sader
published The New Mole
which featured a cover with the continent awash in red.
It is in this context that
Ecuadorians are going to the polls on February 19. The investigator Atilio Boron has compared the
election to the Battle of
Stalingrad in terms of whether it will stem the conservative restoration
that appears to be sweeping across the region.
After a successful 10-year run in office, the popular president
Rafael Correa faces a constitutional ban on reelection. With him removed from
the scene, conservatives are anticipating their best opportunity of regaining
power since he took office in the midst of a rising pink tide.
Eight presidential candidates
are competing in next Sunday’s election. As was common before Correa’s
emergence, with so many competitors it is doubtful that any of them will win
outright. To avoid an April 2 runoff election, a candidate must either win a majority
of the vote or 40 percent plus 10 points over the nearest contender.
Correa’s previous vice president
Lenin Moreno leads in
the polls as the candidate of the Alianza Pais (AP). Moreno vows to carry on
Correa’s social programs, but the soft-spoken politician lacks his mentor’s
charisma. Correa’s current vice president Jorge Glas is running again for that
position. Glas has constantly dodged charges of plagiarism and corruption.
Unlike Moreno, who is confined to a wheelchair after being paralyzed in a
mugging and enjoys a high level of respect, Glas strikes many as an
opportunistic politician.
Behind Moreno are two conservative candidates, Guillermo Lasso
and Cynthia Viteri.
Lasso is a conservative banker and former economy minister
who was implicated in the country’s previous economic meltdown under neoliberal
governance. He is the candidate of an alliance between two rightwing parties, Creating
Opportunities (CREO) and United Society More Action (SUMA). He is campaigning
on promises to return Ecuador to its previous neoliberal governance. Four years
ago Lasso lost to Correa in a landslide, but he has launched a stronger
campaign against Moreno.
Viteri is a rightwing lawyer who is the candidate of the
Social Christian Party. She is a protégé of the current mayor of Guayaquil
Jaime Nebot, one of Correa’s most stringent critics. She has run before for the
presidency, and is currently polling higher than in her previous attempts.
According to electoral polls, together Lasso and Viteri have
more support than Moreno. This has led some analysts to assume that one of them
would defeat Moreno in a second round. Ecuador’s rightwing has long been deeply
fractured, however, and it is questionable whether they would be able to unify
their forces.
In fourth place is the popular general and former mayor of
Quito Paco Moncayo. He is from the traditional social democratic party
Democratic Left (ID). The center left Indigenous-supported political party
Pachakutik also backs his candidacy. His policy proposals are not that
different from those of Moreno, but he draws support Indigenous and
environmental activists who have been alienated from Correa’s authoritarian
policies that have sought to develop Ecuador’s economy based on the extraction
of natural resources.
An open question is whether Correa has so alienated those to
his left that they will support Lasso in the second round rather than favoring
a continuation of Alianza Pais in government. A return to Lasso’s neoliberal
economic policies would be a tragedy, not only for Ecuador but also for the
region as a whole.
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