October 14, 2019

Abstract, Geopoetics, Geopolitics, and Violence: (Un)Mapping Daniel Alarcón’s Lost City Radio

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Geopoetics, Geopolitics, and Violence: (Un)Mapping Daniel Alarcón’s Lost City Radio

by Tamara L. Mitchell

Daniel Alarcón’s 2007 novel Lost City Radio positions post-civil-conflict Peru in relation to episodes of violence from across the globe by deploying two opposing cartographic impulses. First, the unnamed fictional nation of the novel shares historical, topographical, and sociopolitical traits with modern Peru. At the same time, the text refuses tidy association with Peru, principally by folding violent conflicts from a host of geopolitical spaces into the fictional nation via journalistic ekphrasis. This results in a unique geopoetics that serves to catalyze the localized reality of postconflict Peru as a means of interrogating the efficacy of human rights discourse in the neoliberal era on a global scale and bringing into focus the current inequity of responses to the global refugee crisis.

October 10, 2019

Abstract, Capitalism and Culture in Peru’s Neoliberal Process (1990–2013): Notes from an Ayacucho Community

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Capitalism and Culture in Peru’s Neoliberal Process (1990–2013): Notes from an Ayacucho Community

by Mario R. Cepeda-Caceres

Peruvian society underwent a profound transformation following the crisis of the 1980s and the structural reforms implemented in the 1990s. New paradigms were created in rural areas that connected previous discourses on local identity with market dynamics through tourism. The campesino community of Lucanas went from successful management of the vicuña to an economy that pursued market performance practices by adopting a neoliberal paradigm. A distinctive way of living with the structural changes, here called “culturally appropriated capitalism,” produced a new national consciousness—a new way of seeing and relating to the world, from the economic to the cultural.

October 7, 2019

Abstract, From Victims to Beneficiaries: Shaping Postconflict Subjects through State Reparations in Peru

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From Victims to Beneficiaries: Shaping Postconflict Subjects through State Reparations in Peru

by Ivan Ramirez Zapata and Rogelio Scott-Insua

The political and institutional coordinates that appear in official classifications of the victims of the Peruvian armed conflict (1980–2000) affect their subsequent recognition as beneficiaries of reparations programs. A review of the conceptual bases of the Comprehensive Reparations Program calls attention to the tension in the design and implementation of this program between a strictly reparative approach and another that addresses the structural disparities present in the aftermath of the war. Examination of the effects of that tension in two cases shows that the early stages of implementing housing reparations equated the concept of “victim” with that of “poor” and later made poverty a prerequisite for receiving housing reparations and points to the difficulty of making an appropriate offer of reparations for displaced persons, whose specific problems are not properly addressed by the traditional agenda of transitional justice.

October 3, 2019

Abstract Intercultural Disagreement: Implementing the Right to Prior Consultation in Peru

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Intercultural Disagreement: Implementing the Right to Prior Consultation in Peru

by Carmen Ilizarbe

How do state and indigenous representatives process disagreement? What challenges does cultural difference pose to intercultural dialogue? An analysis of the debates that preceded the implementation of the right to prior consultation of indigenous peoples in Peru points to the normative orientation toward consensus that informs the design of processes of intercultural dialogue and concludes that the structure and foundations of disagreement must be taken into account for fair, democratic dialogue to exist.

October 1, 2019

Political Report # 1415 The Dam that (Almost) Brought Down Paraguay’s President

The past two weeks have brought Paraguayans a political earthquake and a crowd of new household names, all connected to a bilateral energy deal signed with Brazil in May and kept under wraps until late July. Since the public learned the terms of the agreement, four top Paraguayan officials have resigned and the senate nearly impeached President Mario Abdo Benítez and Vice President Hugo Velázquez.
Although Brazil agreed to scrap the deal and restart negotiations, Abdo Benítez and Velázquez are still fielding accusations of treason and the political fallout from the deal, rooted in 50 years of tension over the world’s second-largest dam. The dam straddles the border between Brazil and Paraguay and operates under the company Itaipu Binacional, a sort of state-within-a-state run by directors from both countries. This summer’s scandal unfolded on top of a long history of inequality between Brazil and Paraguay, turning a closet shift in energy payments into a symbol of national betrayal.
By requiring Paraguay’s National Energy Administration (ANDE) to buy more expensive electricity from the dam, the deal would have raised ANDE’s costs by at least $250 million between now and 2022, according to former ANDE head Pablo Ferreira. The negotiators also capped the amount of energy ANDE could contract and threw out a clause that would have allowed ANDE to sell Paraguay’s excess electricity directly to the Brazilian market at a higher price than what it receives now. Ferreira saw the final deal on July 4, about six weeks after both ambassadors had signed it and left his job on July 24. His resignation and refusal to comply with the terms of the new agreement raised the tenor of the debate over how to share the Itaipu dam.
For many Paraguayans, the agreement represented a step backward from terms reached in 2009 and a return to the systemic corruption that gave rise to the dam during the country’s dictatorship in the late 20th century. Nearly 50 years after it was built, the dam is still central to criticisms of the former dictator Alfredo Stroessner’s Colorado Party, which controls Paraguayan politics to this day.
“The citizenry is indignant over all of the theft that Itaipu represents on a historical level,” said environmental engineer Guillermo Acucharro. He is a spokesperson for a campaign called Ñane Mbae Itaipu, which means “Itaipu is ours” in the Indigenous language of Guaraní. “The Paraguayan people know, at least for this society, Itaipu was a scam and that the government of Mario Abdo wanted to carry out a negotiation behind closed doors.”
A Dictators’ Agreement
The Itaipu Dam was born out of a border conflict between Brazil and Paraguay nearly 100 years after the devastating Triple Alliance War ended, establishing the Paraná River as the national boundary. In the mid-1960s, the military dictatorships of both countries pressed toward the Saltos del Guaíra waterfalls (Sete Quedas for Brazilians), hoping to take advantage of the water resources that plunged 375 feet. Composer Phillip Glass created a tribute to the falls and the engineering marvel that replaced them when the two governments decided to build the dam together, signing the Itaipu Treaty in 1973 and founding Itaipu Binacional the following year. Brazil’s state utility Electrobras provided the largest loan to build the dam, which began production in 1984 but was not fully completed until 1991.
One significant trade-off of the two countries’ cooperation was that Stroessner allowed Brazilians to move into the agricultural lands of eastern Paraguay. This set the conditions for the predominance of land-holding Brazilians and their descendants, who now control Paraguay’s top export, soy. In other words, the act that preceded the dam paved the way for two primary examples of how Brazil has utilized Paraguay’s natural resources-land and electricity-in some cases impeding on national sovereignty.
The 1973 treaty established that each country would own half the energy produced by Itaipu, but Paraguay consumes less than 10 percent, passing the rest to Brazil. The larger nation has always paid less than market value for that ceded electricity. Since the dam began operation in 1984, Paraguay has helped to fuel industrial development in São Paulo and elsewhere for a set compensation rate. Between 1984 and 2018, Brazil underpaid its neighbor by about $75.4 billion, according to economist Miguel Carter. Under different rules, Paraguay could have earned nearly twice its current GDP from Itaipu alone.
Critics argue that on top of the lost investments their government could have made to education, health and infrastructure, Paraguayan users have been overpaying for electricity. Even though the country has only used a fraction of the energy churned out by the dam over the years, consumers are still paying back construction debt, which makes up more than half of their electricity bills. Critics like renowned Paraguayan engineer Ricardo Canese and Columbia University economist Jeffrey Sachs say Paraguay has likely already met its obligations.
The debt payments will end in 2022, in time for the two countries to finish renegotiating a section of the 1973 treaty that governs energy distribution and pricing. The 2023 negotiation is crucial for those who want to Paraguay to get more from its share of the energy. This year’s fumbled agreement appeared to point in the opposite direction, enraging critics of Itaipu’s legacy.
To critics like Acucharro of Itaipu Ñane Mbae, another key problem is that Itaipu Binacional operates outside the legal system of either country, which he says has made it difficult to control.
“The sector of elites within the Colorado Party always used hydroelectricity to pay political favors,” he said. “Itaipu contributed to strengthening the dominant class of the country from the moment they signed the treaty.”
The dam represented how Stroessner’s regime pursued development for the benefit of a few: the benefactors of construction deals, as well as the engineers and employees of the new binational company. Zona 1 of the Paraguayan border town Ciudad del Este bears this legacy with its parks and guarded houses, a far cry from poorer parts of the city.
Paraguayans have been concerned about how the dam might weaken the country’s sovereignty since the earliest stages of the project. In the 1970s, students, led by Ricardo Canese and other young engineers, organized around questions such as where to put the turbines and what frequency of electricity would be generated. This July, engineering students from the Universidad Nacional de Asunción were once again leading the demands for the nation’s “energy sovereignty.”
Canese had remained a critic of Itaipu and finished his schooling in Holland, after Stroessner’s police forced him into exile in 1977. In 2008, the engineer joined the government of leftist President Fernando Lugo to help him fulfill a campaign promise: improve the rules of Itaipu for Paraguay. The team managed to triple the compensation payments Electrobras made to Paraguay from $120 million to $360 million per year.
Lugo’s Brazilian counterpart and political ally, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, made other important concessions that year, allowing Paraguay to sell to outside countries after 2023 and agreeing to a debt audit by Paraguay’s comptroller general. One key change gave ANDE the right to sell to private companies in the Brazilian market “as soon as possible,” Canese says, instead of only ceding energy to state-run Electrobras at a lower rate, but the new policy was never implemented.
“We were about to get it when the coup came in 2012, and now the ousted president of ANDE proposed it and it cost him the position,” Canese said.
Lugo’s election had broken a 60-year streak of Colorado Party rule, but his presidency reached a sudden end. After a land conflict resulted in the death of 11 campesinos and six police officers, his political rivals launched impeachment proceedings supported by the country’s powerful agribusiness lobby. After a year under Liberal Vice President Frederico Franco, Paraguay returned to Colorado control in 2012. The current president, Mario Abdo Benítez, is the son of dictator Stroessner’s personal secretary. Before winning the 2018 election on a platform of social conservatism, he studied in the United States, walked with Stroessner’s coffin at his funeral, and founded a wing of the bulky Colorado Party with the dictator’s grandson.
Canese worries the right-wing governments of Abdo Benítez and Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro are undoing Lugo and da Silva’s contributions, which he says “restored some equity in the relationship after the asymmetric era of dictatorships-the Brazilian sub-empire, we said in Paraguay.”
“That’s what Bolsonaro wants now, as stated publicly, to go back to that time when Paraguay was almost a Brazilian colony,” Canese wrote in an email.
Bolsonaro has praised both Brazil’s and Paraguay’s military dictatorships. The controversial leader drew criticism in February when he stood next to the dam and honored Stroessner’s “vision.” Itaipu has become center stage for Paraguayan frustrations over their leaders’ approach to Brazil, and the feeling that their country’s resources are being sold out from under them. Bolsonaro’s administration approached Paraguay earlier this year, pursuing higher prices for ANDE and lower costs for Electrobras. Especially for critics of the ruling Colorado Party, Abdo Benítez’s concession amounted to the latest “surrender” of Paraguayan sovereignty.
A Political Crisis
Former ANDE head Ferreira has accused Brazil of financial extortion for its tactics in bringing Paraguay to this years talks, and Canese agrees.
“There never should have been a negotiation,” Canese wrote. “[Brazil] stopped paying Itaipu in February of 2019, defunding it and obliging it to negotiate on its terms and against everything that was agreed upon before.”
The new agreement that sparked calls to impeach Abdo Benítez reached national attention on July 24, after Ferreira turned in his resignation. On Twitter, Abdo Benítez welcomed former finance minister Alcides Jiménez to Ferreira’s vacated position that same day, writing, “We wish him the best!” Within days, the deal Jiménez was ready to support had become radioactive, with citizens and politicians condemning its terms, as well as the secrecy under which it had been negotiated. The senate called an extra session. Protesters toilet-papered the home of José Alberto Alderete, the Paraguayan director of Itaipu Binacional. Abdo Benítez accepted Alderetes resignation along with those of Jiménez and two other top officials involved in the negotiations: the chancellor and the ambassador to Brazil.
Brazilian negotiators have argued that it is the other company that contracts with Itaipu-Electrobras-that had been getting the raw deal because power is cheaper on average in Paraguay. A change in the distribution of pricier versus less expensive, “surplus” energy is what Ferreira said would result in $250 million in extra costs for the utility, which already struggles with losses from poor infrastructure.
There appeared to be nothing in the original deal that could be construed as an advantage for Paraguay. In a speech on July 25, Abdo Benítez claimed this would make the country appear “serious” in future negotiations-“a country that does not need anyone’s crumbs”-and promised rates would not increase in the next two years. He has since said in a radio interview that he believes the deal was a mistake and “did not know the extent or scope of each point.”
Just a week after Ferreira’s resignation, opposition parties in Paraguay’s senate prepared to impeach Abdo Benítez and Velázquez, with the blessing of Honor Colorado, a faction of the leaders’ own party. The day after the impeachment threat, Abdo Benítez’s administration managed to win over the dissident Colorado members, avoiding an ouster just before the one-year anniversary of the president’s inauguration.
But WhatsApp messages published by Paraguayan newspaper ABC Color on Aug. 5 renewed calls for a political trial, suggesting that Ferreira had warned Abdo Benítez about the price changes desired by Brazilian negotiators. The president urged him not to show his misgivings publicly, warning that it would weaken Paraguay’s position. Since the leak, along with new evidence against his second-in-command, protesters and opposition lawmakers have continued to push for impeachment, a goal made more challenging by the Colorado Party’s decision to stand together.
Other messages between Ferreira and a lawyer claiming to represent Velázquez suggested that the vice president was trying to intercede in the negotiations on behalf of the private Brazilian company Leros Comercializadora. The lawyer, 27-year-old Jose Rodríguez Gonzalez, also suggested in the chats that Leros had ties to Bolsonaro. Rodríguez has since testified that he was not speaking on behalf of Velázquez, but only trying to get Ferreira’s attention.
The Public Ministry is hearing testimony from both leaders as well as requesting records and messages from phone companies, while Canese and other critics remain suspicious.
“Abdo gives in to Bolsonaro because that is how they do business together,” Canese wrote in a message, “above all, in the sale of energy for hundreds of millions of dollars with friendly companies.”
Future Negotiations
For his part, Bolsonaro has said since the scandal that his government is “willing to do justice on this issue of Itaipu” and “avoid problems” for Abdo Benítez. The two countries are working on a new agreement, which could be finished as early as next month, while they continue to prepare for renegotiations of the 1973 treaty. The Brazilian leader said he does not intend to “give in” to Paraguay, but instead to discuss “small deviations” during the 2023 talks.
As Duke anthropologist and Itaipu expert Christine Folch asserts in an explanatory video, Brazil’s primary goal is to secure cheap energy to finance its industrial sector. She claims the best option for Paraguay is to invest in its electric infrastructure now in order to diversify its economy.
“Today, the Paraguay half of Itaipu produces enough electricity to meet the needs of three Paraguays,” she added. But since Paraguay’s energy demand is increasing, the country will not always have extra to sell. “This surplus has a time limit that makes it very important to use the surplus today.”
Folch’s research team estimates that Paraguay has until 2035 at the latest before it catches up to Itaipu’s production.
Canese, the Paraguayan engineer, is also pushing for better investments of energy revenue. “Electrical income should be a tool for development, not ‘profiteering,’” he wrote in an email. “Quality employment, value-added quality, that should be the goal, as well as sustainability.”
In a book published earlier this year, Canese argues for getting a better deal on Paraguay’s share of electricity from Itaipu as well as Yacyreta, shared with Argentina, and using that money to improve the electric system and attract industries that will provide jobs. Right now, much of the $750 million annual tariff goes toward local and national government entities, filling in the gap left by Paraguay’s exceptionally low tax rate.
Acucharro and the campaign Itaipu Ñane Mbae want the two countries to annul the 1973 treaty altogether and replace it with better terms for Paraguay.
“We recognize that, on the one hand, it’s a radical position, but we want to solve the root problem and not receive crumbs like always,” he said.
Both the recent scandal and the coming negotiations are changing the way Itaipu is debated in Paraguay, from exchanges between party elites to the kind of controversy that can threaten a presidency.

Original article can be found (here).
URL:   https://nacla.org/news/2019/08/13/dam-almost-brought-down-paraguays-president

September 30, 2019

Abstract, Memories between Eras: ANFASEP’s Leaders before and after Peru’s Internal Armed Conflict

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Memories between Eras: ANFASEP’s Leaders before and after Peru’s Internal Armed Conflict

by Mercedes Crisostomo Meza

During Peru’s internal armed conflict (1980–2000), many women formed associations of relatives of victims to demand truth, justice, and reparations. The Asociación Nacional de Familiares de Secuestrados, Detenidos y Desaparecidos del Perú (National Association of Relatives of the Kidnapped, Detained, and Disappeared of Peru—ANFASEP) was the first of these organizations. Accounts by its leaders of their early lives challenge the stereotypes of them employed in previous studies and point to changes in their senses of identity in the postconflict period. Their memories are part of the development of a self-narrative in which new rationales emerge and they are led to question the validity of the characterization of them as poor, illiterate, dependent women unaware of having rights.

September 26, 2019

Political Report # 1414 Teachers Fighting for Public Schools Were Key to the Uprising in Puerto Rico

Political Report # 1414

by Mercedes Martinez and
Monique Dols, Labor Notes

In the two months leading up to the uprising which ousted Puerto Rican Governor Ricardo Roselló, educators celebrated hard-fought victories against the privatization of their education system. Struggles by teachers and families against school closures and charter schools helped pave the way for July's unprecedented outpouring of protest (see box).
By the end of the school year in June, it became clear that the struggle to stop charterization had largely won. There is only one actively functional charter school on the island.
Then in July, teachers and families who had fought pitched battles against the closing of 442 public schools by ex-Secretary of Education Julia Keleher were vindicated when Keleher was arrested on corruption charges.
As the new school year starts in August, educators are still fighting to fully fund and staff the schools, reopen those shuttered under Keleher, and keep the charters out. In the weeks and months to come, expect educators to keep playing a critical role in the struggle for democracy, against austerity, and for the dignity of the working class in Puerto Rico.
One of the least known but most critical struggles to keep an eye on in coming months is the fight to save educators' pensions.
Public workers are under tremendous pressure to tighten their belts in order to ensure repayment of $74 billion in illegitimate debt that the government owes to bondholders.
The debt crisis was created by an economic slump that has lasted since 2006, causing the government to take out loans to operate. These loans were bought up by hedge-fund vultures whose goals are to make huge profits while forcing the government to cut back services to the working people of Puerto Rico.
But as Hurricane Maria and this summer's uprising have revealed to the world, Puerto Rican workers simply can't stand to suffer for the rich anymore.
In June, rank-and-file educators in Puerto Rico came together in an incredible movement of solidarity and self-organization to defeat a proposal that would have gutted the retirements of thousands of educators.
The last week of May, the Asociación de Maestros de Puerto Rico (AMPR), an affiliate of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), unveiled a sweetheart deal negotiated directly with the Fiscal Oversight and Management Board. This federally imposed board, known locally as la Junta, acts like a dictatorship as it oversees the process of making workers pay for Puerto Rico's odious debt.
The AFT spent $3 million in a year-long, closed-door negotiation that went over the heads of the elected government and behind the backs of the teachers. Its proposal would have canceled the pensions of thousands of current educators and replaced them with 401(k) retirement plans, reduced the pensions of current retirees by 8.5 percent, and raised the retirement age from 55 to 63. The deal also eliminated Christmas bonuses and would have required teachers to work on nationally recognized holidays.
But the Federación de Maestros de Puerto Rico (FMPR), a rival teachers union with a long history of class struggle, along with allies in the fight to save public education, waged a successful Vote No campaign that rejected the deal and unexpectedly stopped the Junta and the AMPR/AFT in their tracks.
The Vote No campaign was an uphill battle. AMPR/AFT spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on deceitful TV and radio campaign ads, portraying the agreement as a necessary compromise which would preserve pensions. Instead of putting polling places in schools or any other public space, the union rented private venues so it could allow its staff and their literature inside and keep out the opposition. AMPR/AFT even called the police in order to prevent neutral observers from entering the polling stations.
Despite these repressive measures, the FMPR mobilized crews to have a presence outside 96 percent of the polling places. With exit polls in hand, the Vote No campaigners helped ensure that the vote was proper and that the election couldn't be stolen.
This has been a glorious summer, where hundreds of thousands of Puerto Ricans participated in the biggest general strike ever on the island. The strikes and demonstrations that brought down the Roselló regime were largely spontaneous and broadly democratic, but the seeds of the insurrection were planted by decades of struggle.
These struggles have been led by feminists who fought against gender violence and homophobia, muckraking journalists who uncovered the depths of government corruption, activists organizing for the debt to be dropped, community members building autonomous centers of self-organization, environmentalists who stopped a pipeline, students who went on strike to keep their universities public, artists who preserved and created culture, and unionists who refused to compromise away working people's futures.
No one party, organization, or union called for the strike and demonstrations. Many groups contributed to their outbreak and political character.
If we can learn something from this victorious moment, it is that the road ahead lies in fighting back for the future and refusing to compromise.
In the labor movement, unions like the AMPR in Puerto Rico and the AFT in the U.S. have negotiated away our rights over and over, under the cover of accomplishing the possible and avoiding the greater evil. This approach allows our opponents to chip away little by little, until we find our public education in shambles, neighborhood schools closed, students' lives turned upside down, and educators' future sold out.
Our future depends on fighting for the "impossible," against the whole logic of a system that will have workers pay with their lives.
Today the fighters for the future of education in Puerto Rico have huge victories under our belts and the wind in our sails. We have brought down two corrupt governors and are working on our third. The protests, rallies, marches, art performances, and battles on the streets against police brutality complemented each other. It was a triumph for the Puerto Rican people.
While the government continues to flail in crisis, the people are organizing regional assemblies that are spreading and growing. We hope to see a new wave of demands emerge from these assemblies.
The FMPR will call for auditing the debt, reopening our schools, reversing anti-worker laws, revoking the privatization of public agencies, adding an anti-sexist curriculum in schools, and building the quality public education system that the people of Puerto Rico deserve.
The popular insurrection in Puerto Rico has proven once again that "when we fight, we can win."

Original article can be found (here).
URL:  https://labornotes.org/2019/08/teachers-fighting-public-schools-were-key-uprising-puerto-rico

Abstract, The Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Law of Prior Consultation: Obstacles and Opportunities for Democratization and Political Participation in Peru

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The Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Law of Prior Consultation: Obstacles and Opportunities for Democratization and Political Participation in Peru

by Juan Pablo Sarmiento Barletti and Lexi Seedhouse

A study informed by long-term fieldwork with Amazonian and Andean indigenous peoples examines their experiences of Peru’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Law of Prior Consultation. It engages with these efforts, which sought to address injustice by creating a new pact between the state and its indigenous citizens, their various failures, and the unintended opportunities that they have created for the political participation of indigenous peoples and their representatives.

September 24, 2019

Political Report # 1413 It's not just Brazil's Amazon rainforest that's ablaze - Bolivian fires are threatening people and wildlife

The Conversation

Up to 800,000 hectares of the unique Chiquitano forest were burned to the ground in Bolivia between August 18 and August 23. That's more forest than is usually destroyed across the country in two years. Experts say that it will take at least two centuries to repair the ecological damage done by the fires, while at least 500 species are said to be at risk from the flames.
The Chiquitano dry forest in Bolivia was the largest healthy tropical dry forest in the world. It's now unclear whether it will retain that status. The forest is home to Indigenous peoples as well as iconic wildlife such as jaguars, giant armadillos, and tapirs. Some species in the Chiquitano are found nowhere else on Earth. Distressing photographs and videos from the area show many animals have burned to death in the recent fires.

September 23, 2019

Abstract, Continually Redefining Protagonismo: The Peruvian Movement of Working Children and Political Change, 1976–2015

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Continually Redefining Protagonismo: The Peruvian Movement of Working Children and Political Change, 1976–2015

by Jessica K. Taft

Activists in the Peruvian working children’s movement have been theorizing about “children’s protagonismo” for nearly 40 years. Changing political contexts and the infusion of discourses from other social movements have produced three major sets of meanings for this concept, each reflecting different dynamics in Peruvian social movement history. First, the concept, infused with ideas from liberation theology and Latin American engagements with Marxism, was primarily understood in terms of class struggle and collective organization. Second, because of opportunities and threats in the 1980s and 1990s, it became more closely associated with children’s rights frameworks. Third, since the early 2000s, the movement’s approach to protagonismo has drawn on indigenous theories of interdependence and relationality to challenge the individualism of neoliberal capitalism and governmentality. In holding these diverse ideological commitments together, the concept has allowed the movement of working children to communicate across multiple discursive communities.